scholarly journals To commemorate the 75th anniversary of Victory in the World War II: how has digitalization changed our attitude to history

2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-145
Author(s):  
Olga V. Lvova

Problem and goal. The actual problem of digitalization means, degree and consequences of influence on fostering public and personal opinion in society is considered in the article. The purpose of the study was to show that digitalization is qualitatively changing some aspects of social life. Methodology. Determination of digitalization means, degree and consequences of influence on some aspects of social life was carried out by analysis of work results of some sites/portals devoted to events of World War II. Results. Digitalization nowadays is a process being quickly spread all around the world. It covers a wide range of human activities: business, industry, agriculture, education, healthcare, culture and social life. The process being very new, complex and challenging demands developing of a high (state) level strategy such as Industrie 4.0 - one of ten projects for State Hi-Tech Strategy of Germany up 2020 or Digital Economy of the Russian Federation. Moreover it becomes obvious that digitalization influences not only production but also society. In 2016 Japan released concept Society 5.0 - a large plan of social transformations. Interesting and remarkable results in fostering some aspects of social life were also reached in the Russian Federation during preparation of Great Victory 75th anniversary celebration. Conclusion. It is demonstrated that massive digitalization of personal archives (photos, documents, family/participant of events stories, eyewitness accounts) as well as access to archived data of state institutions and possibility to translate all information for free has fostered qualitatively new personal and social attitude to remarkable historical events.

Author(s):  
E. Komkova

The management of the Canada–U.S. asymmetry might be defined as rather successful example. After the World War II Canadian and American officials have developed a set of specific bargaining norms, which can be referred to as the “rules of the game”, and “diplomatic culture”. Their existence leads to predictability of relationships, to empathy, and to expectations of “responsible” behavior. The study of the Canada–U.S. model of civilized asymmetrical relationship lays grounds for further investigation on how it can be applied to the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation in its relations with asymmetrical partners from the “near neighbourhood”.


2018 ◽  
Vol 51 (2) ◽  
pp. 249-281
Author(s):  
Gavriel D. Rosenfeld

AbstractSince the turn of the millennium, major political figures around the world have been routinely compared to Adolf Hitler. These comparisons have increasingly been investigated by scholars, who have sought to explain their origins and assess their legitimacy. This article sheds light on this ongoing debate by examining an earlier, but strikingly similar, discussion that transpired during the Nazi era itself. Whereas commentators today argue about whether Hitler should be used as a historical analogy, observers in the 1930s and 1940s debated which historical analogies should be used to explain Hitler. During this period, Anglophone and German writers identified a diverse group of historical villains who, they believed, explained the Nazi threat. The figures spanned a wide range of tyrants, revolutionaries, and conquerors. But, by the end of World War II, the revelation of the Nazis' unprecedented crimes exposed these analogies as insufficient and led many commentators to flee from secular history to religious mythology. In the process, they identified Hitler as Western civilization's new archetype of evil and turned him into a hegemonic analogy for the postwar period. By explaining how earlier analogies struggled to make sense of Hitler, we can better understand whether Hitler analogies today are helping or hindering our effort to understand contemporary political challenges.


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Igor' Yurasov ◽  
Ol'ga Pavlova

Considers the problem of the Orthodox religious identity from the point of view of the influence of five types of discourse, widely represented in the Orthodox semiotic picture of the world: philosophical, mythological, artistic, political and ideological. Selected types of religious identity: normative, marginalized, and folkloristically, and determined what type of discourse most pragmatically strongly influences the formation of a type of Orthodox identity. The authors come to the conclusion about the existence in the Russian Federation "rural" and "urban" Orthodox discourses. The first leads to the development of social strain in the area of religious identity and is the base of the formation polarisierung religious identity. The second sets the normative Orthodox identity, avoiding archaism and development of the centaur-ideas. This study was conducted in part supported by RFBR, research project No. 18-011-00164 on "Discursive study of religious identity." Designed for a wide range of sociologists, philologists, cultural studies and religious studies, as well as for a wide circle of readers interested in questions of religion.


2017 ◽  
Vol 4 (4) ◽  
pp. 103-109
Author(s):  
V A Jilkin

This article presents issues of the fight against corruption and analysis of anti-corruption processes in Russia, Finland, Israel, Great Britain and the USA. Issues of international cooperation in the anti-corruption sphere have already been considered by the United Nations, the World Bank, the International Monetary Fund, the World Trade Organisation, the Organisation of American States, the Organization for Economic Cooperation and the European Union. The fight against corruption in the Russian Federation is one of the key areas of consolidation of the statehood and it is being performed step by step through improvement of the legislation, activities of law enforcement, regulatory and public authorities of all levels as well as cultivation of civil intolerance to any manifestation of this social blemish. Russia is actively engaged in international dialogue on a wide range of issues for preventing corruption within the scope of coordination activities and international cooperation in different areas, including issues of anti-corruption in the sphere of sports, ecology and education. Cooperation with relevant international authorities and international organizations is one of the priorities of the General Prosecutor’s Office of the Russian Federation. Given that the Russian anti-corruption system is based on the national legal culture in the context of historical, social and economic development and specific social needs and interests, the author emphasizes that anti-corruption cooperation shall be based on respect for national legal systems and compliance with the international law under coordination of the UN. Legislative proposals on the need for introducing grounds for application on recovery of property, owned by corrupt officials and registered under a third party’s name, to the public revenue and increasing the terms of imprisonment for bribery, which shall be prepared for further improvement of the anti-corruption law.


10.12737/6283 ◽  
2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 169-174
Author(s):  
Момот ◽  
Aleksandr Momot

The article is devoted to actual problem of for-est fires. Especially it concerns the forests of the Russian Federation, so they make up 22 % of all forests in the world. And the conse-quences of burning of forests can be even more catastrophic than now. The aim of the article is the analysis of the dependence of the number of fires caused by the density of the transport network and the consequences, which are ex-pressed in the burned forest land, which entails huge emission of harmful substances into the atmosphere and the death of the animal and vegetable world. Article brings some results of studying the dependence of the number fires, the number of the total area burned from the density of the transport network.


2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-146
Author(s):  
Patricia Kennedy Grimsted

World War II was the occasion of the greatest theft, seizure, loss, and displacement of art treasures, books, and archives (“cultural items”) in history. Since then, governments and others have attempted to justify either their right to keep or to claim the return of the cultural items displaced as a result of the war and its aftermath. Such issues have intensified on the Eastern Front since the collapse of he Soviet Union and the opening of the Soviet secret depositories of long-hidden cultural items brought to Soviet territories at the end of the war. The principal protagonists in the public arena have been the Federal Republic of Germany (Germany), the Republic of Poland, and the Republic of Hungary, each claiming that the Russian Federation (Russia) has refused to negotiate adequately the return of cultural items displaced during and after the war that are now located in its territory.


2021 ◽  
Vol 69 (1) ◽  
pp. 19-43
Author(s):  
Paula Petričević

Abstract The author explores the socialist emancipation of women in Montenegro during World War II and its aftermath, using the example of the 8 March celebrations. The social life of this ‘holiday of the struggle of all the women in the world’ speaks powerfully of the strength and fortitude involved in the mobilization of women during the war and during the postwar building of socialist Yugoslavia, as well as the sudden modernization and unprecedented political subjectivation of women. The emancipatory potential of these processes turned out to be limited in the later period of stabilization of Yugoslav state socialism and largely forgotten in the postsocialist period. The author argues that the political subjectivation of women needs to be thought anew, as a process that does not take place in a vacuum or outside of a certain ideological matrix, whether socialist or liberal.


Author(s):  
Taras Tkachuk

The article examines the problem of relations between the two leading states of the world in the interwar period: Germany, which withdrew from the First World War as a defeated country and after the establishment of the Nazi regime started preparing revenge, and the United States, proclaimed «isolationism» and, therefore, distanced themselves from European international political problems. The scientific novelty: the author points up primarily political «isolationism», while in the economic sphere the United States has played a leading role in the reconstruction and development of the afterwar Germany. Today, due to the difficult geopolitical situation in the world, caused by the aggressive actions of the Russian Federation, which are quite similar to the former Nazi regime, there is a chance to look at the events of the 1930s in the international arena in a somewhat new way. Regarding this, the author sets out an aim of the article to carry out a comprehensive analyze and give his own assessment of the position of American politicians on the establishment of the Nazi regime in Germany. The methodological basis of the study. In the study the author used a descriptive method to identify the essence and features of American-German relations in the 1920s and early 1930s, a comparative-historical method in analyzing the positions of President Roosevelt’s enciclement on German Chancellor A. Hitler’s policy in 1933, the principles of objectivity and systematization using only verified facts and their comprehensive assessment. This made it possible for the first time to draw attention to the position of the American leadership on the establishment of the Nazi regime and its role in international diplomacy on the eve of World War II in order to the current geopolitical situation connected with Russia’s aggressive actions. The Conclusions. Finally, the author asserts that President Roosevelt’s encirclement perceived the threat of a new world war from the German Nazis, but did not change the United States’ overall foreign policy toward Europe. The reason was that Franklin Delano Roosevelt chose a wrong strategy to avert new world conflict in the relationship with Berlin. At the same time, the author underlines the differences in the attitudes of American «isolationists» towards Germany and Japan, as well as the differences between Washington’s position on the political and non-political aspects of relations with Hitler’s regime. Therefore, the author points out that not all the American politicians perceived the Nazi «Third Reich» totally negatively. As a result, the United States chose the wrong strategy to deter Nazi Germany, which did not testify its effectiveness. That’s why, the article asserts that the current United States and the Western European countries need to anticipate their past mistakes in building of the strategy of relations with Russian Federation.


2020 ◽  
pp. 717-743
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Motsyk

The article describes international sanctions against the Russian Federation as an instrument of pressure and punishment for its aggression against Ukraine and other international crimes. The author asserts that sanctions are used to enforce international legal norms when all voluntary conciliation measures of resolving a conflict caused by an international delinquency are exhausted. The Russian aggression endangered the whole European security architecture formed after World War II with the meaningful participation of the US, European countries, and Moscow, then the Soviet Union. As Ambassador of Ukraine to the USA in 2010–15, the author of the article worked in 2014 with his American colleagues from the State Department, National Security Council, Pentagon, and US Department of the Treasury on the provision of support to Ukraine and imposition of sanctions on Russia. Appeals to exert pressure on Russia to stop its intervention and to provide assistance to Ukraine were also addressed to the UN, other international organisations, and financial institutions. More than 40 states have joined the anti-Russian sanctions. The author underscores that sanctions can in no case be reduced; rather, they should made tougher until Russia withdraws its troops Ukraine and stops flagrantly violating international law. If Western states have a unified position and political will, Russia will be compelled to respect the international order and security system formed by the international community after World War II, particularly in Europe. The author emphasises that despite the importance of sanctions, it is not until Ukraine has a robust economy, consistent alignment with Europe, European values, and a powerful military that it will regain control over the occupied Donbas and Crimea. Keywords: international sanctions, Russian Federation, Donbas, Crimea, security system, law and order.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 705-722
Author(s):  
A. V. Sushko ◽  

The article reviews actions of Omsk Region Office of Ministry of State Security (MSS) towards politically active Ukrainian nationalists among deportees from the Dragobychsky region of Western Ukraine and assesses their vindication in the Russian Federation. This study is based on archival documents from legal prosecutions of Ukrainian deportees stored in the Records Office of Omsk Region of Federal Security Service and recently opened for scholarly review, as well as exhibits from the History section of the Omsk Office of the FSB. Legal prosecutions documents were analysed using a prosopographic method to reconstruct a typical picture of young Ukrainian deportees who continued to believe in the values of Ukrainian nationalism and kept connections with the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN)/Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). All prosecuted Ukrainians were driven to nationalism by conditions of their upbringing. The young men were deportees from Western Ukraine and of peasant origin. The OUN/UPA were widely supported by the rural population in this region. They were deported to Siberia as family members of UPA militias fighting against the Soviet army. Having nationalist views, all prosecuted young men sincerely supported the creation of an independent Ukrainian state and did not accept Soviet authority that did not allow this creation, and so they were deported from their homeland. Omsk MSS agents, together with their Ukrainian colleagues, identified young radical nationalists. Some of those were active members of underground militant groups and during World War II carried out intelligence requests for OUN/UPA and provided information for its members. The author concludes that the nationalistic activities of these Ukrainian youth were are a real threat to security of the Soviet state and as such the fact of their vindication in the Russian Federation is not well-grounded from historical point of view.


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