scholarly journals International Sanctions against the Russian Federation: An Instrument of Pressure and Punishment for Its Aggression against Ukraine and Other International Crimes

2020 ◽  
pp. 717-743
Author(s):  
Oleksandr Motsyk

The article describes international sanctions against the Russian Federation as an instrument of pressure and punishment for its aggression against Ukraine and other international crimes. The author asserts that sanctions are used to enforce international legal norms when all voluntary conciliation measures of resolving a conflict caused by an international delinquency are exhausted. The Russian aggression endangered the whole European security architecture formed after World War II with the meaningful participation of the US, European countries, and Moscow, then the Soviet Union. As Ambassador of Ukraine to the USA in 2010–15, the author of the article worked in 2014 with his American colleagues from the State Department, National Security Council, Pentagon, and US Department of the Treasury on the provision of support to Ukraine and imposition of sanctions on Russia. Appeals to exert pressure on Russia to stop its intervention and to provide assistance to Ukraine were also addressed to the UN, other international organisations, and financial institutions. More than 40 states have joined the anti-Russian sanctions. The author underscores that sanctions can in no case be reduced; rather, they should made tougher until Russia withdraws its troops Ukraine and stops flagrantly violating international law. If Western states have a unified position and political will, Russia will be compelled to respect the international order and security system formed by the international community after World War II, particularly in Europe. The author emphasises that despite the importance of sanctions, it is not until Ukraine has a robust economy, consistent alignment with Europe, European values, and a powerful military that it will regain control over the occupied Donbas and Crimea. Keywords: international sanctions, Russian Federation, Donbas, Crimea, security system, law and order.

2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-146
Author(s):  
Patricia Kennedy Grimsted

World War II was the occasion of the greatest theft, seizure, loss, and displacement of art treasures, books, and archives (“cultural items”) in history. Since then, governments and others have attempted to justify either their right to keep or to claim the return of the cultural items displaced as a result of the war and its aftermath. Such issues have intensified on the Eastern Front since the collapse of he Soviet Union and the opening of the Soviet secret depositories of long-hidden cultural items brought to Soviet territories at the end of the war. The principal protagonists in the public arena have been the Federal Republic of Germany (Germany), the Republic of Poland, and the Republic of Hungary, each claiming that the Russian Federation (Russia) has refused to negotiate adequately the return of cultural items displaced during and after the war that are now located in its territory.


Author(s):  
E. Komkova

The management of the Canada–U.S. asymmetry might be defined as rather successful example. After the World War II Canadian and American officials have developed a set of specific bargaining norms, which can be referred to as the “rules of the game”, and “diplomatic culture”. Their existence leads to predictability of relationships, to empathy, and to expectations of “responsible” behavior. The study of the Canada–U.S. model of civilized asymmetrical relationship lays grounds for further investigation on how it can be applied to the foreign policy strategy of the Russian Federation in its relations with asymmetrical partners from the “near neighbourhood”.


2020 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 134-145
Author(s):  
Olga V. Lvova

Problem and goal. The actual problem of digitalization means, degree and consequences of influence on fostering public and personal opinion in society is considered in the article. The purpose of the study was to show that digitalization is qualitatively changing some aspects of social life. Methodology. Determination of digitalization means, degree and consequences of influence on some aspects of social life was carried out by analysis of work results of some sites/portals devoted to events of World War II. Results. Digitalization nowadays is a process being quickly spread all around the world. It covers a wide range of human activities: business, industry, agriculture, education, healthcare, culture and social life. The process being very new, complex and challenging demands developing of a high (state) level strategy such as Industrie 4.0 - one of ten projects for State Hi-Tech Strategy of Germany up 2020 or Digital Economy of the Russian Federation. Moreover it becomes obvious that digitalization influences not only production but also society. In 2016 Japan released concept Society 5.0 - a large plan of social transformations. Interesting and remarkable results in fostering some aspects of social life were also reached in the Russian Federation during preparation of Great Victory 75th anniversary celebration. Conclusion. It is demonstrated that massive digitalization of personal archives (photos, documents, family/participant of events stories, eyewitness accounts) as well as access to archived data of state institutions and possibility to translate all information for free has fostered qualitatively new personal and social attitude to remarkable historical events.


2010 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 361-386 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael J. Bazyler ◽  
Seth M. Gerber

AbstractDisplaced and nationalized cultural property remains hidden in the vast holdings of museums, libraries, and archives around the world. Some governments holding these “trophies” of war and conquest refuse to return such cultural treasures to their rightful owners even when their provenance has been identified. They assert that the collections were obtained through expropriation and nationalization, and that divestiture of a museum, library, or archive would jeopardize the existence of these institutions and cause societal discord.This article discusses the struggle of an orthodox Jewish organization to recover from the Russian Federation a collection of sacred, irreplaceable books and manuscripts seized in the aftermath of the Bolshevik Revolution and during World War II. The story of Agudas Chasidei Chabad's efforts to recover these core religious texts of its spiritual leaders has involved appeals by U.S. presidents, congress, and the U.S. Helsinki Commission, as well as lawsuits in the Soviet Union/Russia and United States.After prolonged litigation in the United States, a federal court of appeals in Washington DC ruled in 2008 that American courts have jurisdiction over Chabad's suit against the Russian Federation to recover its religious texts. This ruling may pave the way for the resolution of this dispute and also lead to the filing of other suits in American courts seeking to recover looted cultural property, even if that property is located outside U.S. borders.


2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Brandon C. Halaychik

Since the fall of the Soviet Union in 1991, the world has been engaged in a new dynamic of power politics as the newly reformed Russian Federation attempts to establish its identity in Europe. As a regional power Russia is accused of forcing its will on former satellite states through military posturing and aggression as seen in Georgia, Crimea, and Ukraine. This study discusses issues directly related to NATO expansion into former Soviet-bloc states and the Russian Federation’s response to these actions. A qualitative research model combined with a case study approach to thoroughly analysis all available relevant data related to the Russian Federations military and political movements was used. The findings are: (1) NATO offers of expansion into former Soviet-bloc states eroded the foundation of the NATO-Russian –Founding act of 1997, (2) United States and European military expansion into states surrounding the Russian Federation has caused a security dilemma and (3) Russian is reacting militarily to protect itself in line with Defensive Structural Realist principals. This study adds context to discussions regarding how to deal diplomatically with the Russian Federation regarding European security.


2021 ◽  
Vol 11 (3) ◽  
pp. 705-722
Author(s):  
A. V. Sushko ◽  

The article reviews actions of Omsk Region Office of Ministry of State Security (MSS) towards politically active Ukrainian nationalists among deportees from the Dragobychsky region of Western Ukraine and assesses their vindication in the Russian Federation. This study is based on archival documents from legal prosecutions of Ukrainian deportees stored in the Records Office of Omsk Region of Federal Security Service and recently opened for scholarly review, as well as exhibits from the History section of the Omsk Office of the FSB. Legal prosecutions documents were analysed using a prosopographic method to reconstruct a typical picture of young Ukrainian deportees who continued to believe in the values of Ukrainian nationalism and kept connections with the Organization of Ukrainian Nationalists (OUN)/Ukrainian Insurgent Army (UPA). All prosecuted Ukrainians were driven to nationalism by conditions of their upbringing. The young men were deportees from Western Ukraine and of peasant origin. The OUN/UPA were widely supported by the rural population in this region. They were deported to Siberia as family members of UPA militias fighting against the Soviet army. Having nationalist views, all prosecuted young men sincerely supported the creation of an independent Ukrainian state and did not accept Soviet authority that did not allow this creation, and so they were deported from their homeland. Omsk MSS agents, together with their Ukrainian colleagues, identified young radical nationalists. Some of those were active members of underground militant groups and during World War II carried out intelligence requests for OUN/UPA and provided information for its members. The author concludes that the nationalistic activities of these Ukrainian youth were are a real threat to security of the Soviet state and as such the fact of their vindication in the Russian Federation is not well-grounded from historical point of view.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (6/1) ◽  
pp. 13-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg V. GRIGORIEV

The article is devoted to questions of distortion of historical events in the modern world, which became a real weapon used in the war “for the minds of people”. According to the author, such a war, with the use of a wide arsenal of information and psychological means, against the Russian Federation has long been under way. The author is worried about the fact that in the Chinese media recently extensive information propaganda aimed at advancing Chinese historians’ assessments of the significance of the Chinese army during the Second World War and, thus, undermining the role of the Soviet Union in the victory over militaristic Japan. The author argues that this cannot be regarded as a well-thought out strategic information operation whose ultimate goal is to form the international public opinion on the recognition of China’s decisive value in Second World War. It is anticipated that this will provide China with a moral right to occupy a dominant position in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as additional opportunities to qualify for leadership in the modern international security system. The article examines some historical aspects of China’s role in the victory over militaristic Japan. A brief description of the assistance of the Soviet Union of China during the Second World War is given. The paper argues that the Chinese side maintained superiority in the fight against Japan, in connection with which it suffered a 35millionth loss. The author cites the opinion of the Russian military historians who believe that judging the contribution of one or another party only in terms of the number of victims does not seem to be quite correct, both from the militarypolitical point of view and purely psychological position. In conclusion, the article concludes that existing disagreements in approaches and assessments need to be eliminated on the principles of good-neighborliness and mutual respect. This requires active and consolidated performances by Russian and Chinese scientists and specialists at different levels, media support and other significant actions based on the agreed position of the leadership of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China.


Author(s):  
А.Ф. Агарев ◽  
В.П. Курышкин

Все 1930-е годы Советский Союз прилагал значительные усилия для создания системы коллективной безопасности в Европе и заслона на пути гитлеровской агрессии, но правящие круги Великобритании, Франции и Италии, подписав с Германией позорное Мюнхенское соглашение, свели их на нет. Неудачей закончились и переговоры военных представителей Англии, Франции и СССР, проходившие в Москве в августе 1939 года. Западные партнеры затягивали эти переговоры, одновременно пытаясь за спиной СССР договориться с Берлином. Дальнейшее затягивание бесплодных переговоров грозило нашей стране опасностью оказаться перед угрозой войны с объединенным фронтом западных стран. В своих намерениях создать систему коллективной безопасности в Европе советское правительство столкнулось с саботажем правящих кругов Англии и Франции и было вынуждено дать согласие на приезд в Москву фон Риббентропа для ведения переговоров о заключении Пакта о ненападении. Германский министр, в отличие от англо-французских переговорщиков, имел полномочия для подписания необходимых документов. 23 августа 1939 года он и В. М. Молотов подписали Пакт о ненападении. На принятие такого решения оказала влияние и угроза войны на два фронта: в это время на востоке, в районе реки Халхин-Гол, шли ожесточенные бои, которые могли перерасти в полномасштабную войну с Японией. Договор о ненападении между Германией и СССР дал возможность выиграть время для укрепления обороны страны и ослабил единство агрессивного фашистско-милитаристского блока. С нападением Германии на Польшу и началом Второй мировой войны договор не связан. Не нарушал он и норм международного права. During the 1930s, the Soviet Union did its best to build a collective security system in Europe in order to prevent the spread of the Nazi menace. However, the ruling circles of Great Britain, France and Italy nullified the efforts by signing the ignoble Munich Agreement. The military negotiations between England, France and the USSR that were held in Moscow in August 1939 were a dismal failure. The western partners delayed the negotiations trying to reach an agreement with Berlin behind the back of the Soviet Union. Further delay threatened to put Russia in a position when it had to oppose a united western front. Trying to build a collective security system in Europe, the Soviet government had to handle the sabotage campaign launched by the ruling circles of England and France and had to accept the arrival of the German Foreign Minister von Ribbentrop in Moscow to sign a non-aggression pact. Unlike British and French ministers, the German minister was authorised to sign such documents. On 23 August 1939, J. von Ribbentrop and V. M. Molotov signed the non-aggression pact. The decision was taken under a two-front military threat (there were outbursts of fierce fighting near the Khalkhin-Gol river, which could escalate into a full-scale confrontation with Japan. The German-Soviet non-aggression pact gave the USSR a chance to enhance its defence and diminished the aggressive efforts of fascist militarists. The pact cannot be treated as violation of international law. It is in no way related to the German invasion of Poland preceding World War II.


Author(s):  
Vladimir M. Yakovlev

The article analyzes the problems of the manifestation of risks of shadow and criminal activity in the life support system of citizens of the Russian Federation, the dissemination of which requires the development of effective measures to prevent and eliminate them. The most important issue is the formation of an effective economic security system with an emphasis on the new quality of life support for citizens of the Russian Federation in an adequate combination with the high growth rate of NTP in the Russian economy. The new technological structure emerging from the new achievements of scientific and technological progress involves the harmonization of the pace of scientific and technological development, combined with an adequate improvement in the quality of life support for citizens performing such achievements. Owing to this fact formation of new quality of the housing and communal services (HCS) as bases of life support of citizens becomes a prerequisite of increase in performance and intellectualization of human work. With this in mind, early recognition, prevention and elimination of risks of shadow and criminal activities in the housing and communal services system (housing and communal services) is considered as a significant mechanism to increase the effectiveness of the system of comfortable life support for citizens of the Russian Federation. The existing lag in the development of a high-quality and comfortable system for providing citizens of Russia on the basis of housing and communal services, the subject of which is the provision of quality and comfortable services, influenced by numerous risks of shadow and criminal influence, becomes a condition for intensifying economic development and increasing labor productivity on this basis. The need to develop and use modern scientific and technical achievements, especially in the field of digitalization, is emphasized in order to increase the efficiency of the economic security system of housing and communal services organizations based on innovative control mechanisms - internal control, audit, compliance control, taking into account financial investigations in order to prevent and eliminate the risks of shadow and criminal activities in the housing and communal services system.


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