scholarly journals The Perspectives of Russia’s Soft Power in the Western Balkans Region

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Djokic
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Economic Ties

The article analyzes the perspectives of Russia’s soft power in the Balkans. The Russian Federation has longstanding historical, political, cultural and economic ties to the Balkan region. Therefore, being free of a one-sided ideological approach that hampered the usage of soft power by the USSR during the Cold War era, Russia stands at the crossroads as to how best to use it’s great potential for peaceful diplomacy and influence in the Western Balkans. The article will provide an analysis of the achievements of the Russian Federation in regards to extending it’s influence in the Western Balkans, but also the downsides of it’s foreign policy. The analysis will encompass several Western Balkan states and their ties to Russia in terms of soft power: Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The article raises the question: whether Russia can withstand the struggle for influence over the Balkans with it’s greatest rivals in the region - the United States and the EU? The author concludes that it depends largely on the various approaches and methods used by Russian diplomacy and the level of funding of various projects that can be used to extend Russia’s cultural influence in the Balkan peninsula.

ROMANIA AND THE BALKANS: POLITICAL, HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL ASPECTS

2021 ◽  
pp. 233-252
Author(s):  
Tatiana Bitkova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
Balkan Countries ◽  
Regional Leadership ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Common

The article analyzes some aspects of Romania’s foreign policy in the Balkan region. It is noted that the same fact that country belongs to the Balkans causes ambiguous interpretations on the part of Romanian politicians and experts, many of whom believe that Romania cannot be attributed to this region either geographically or politically. At the same time, culturally and historically, according to a certain part of historians and sociologists, Romania nevertheless carries the features of the so-called «Balkanism», due to the common Ottoman past with the Balkan Peninsula. These features are also relevant for the current socio-political situation, which is shown in the article with specific examples. In addition, criticism of the very term «Balkanism» from the side of Romanian analysts is presented. The author also examines Romania’s relations with the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily with Serbia. The points of contact of the positions of these countries are noted, which are largely due to the desire of Serbia to resolve the Kosovo problem in its favor, relying on the support of Romania - one of the five EU countries that did not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Romania, using this situation, is trying to strengthen its position, seeking regional leadership. The author comes to the conclusion that, although the Western Balkan countries directly or indirectly aspire to Euro-Atlantic structures, some of them (primarily Serbia) maintain and develop friendly relations with Russia, which complicates their interaction with Romania, orthodoxly adhering to the NATO and European Union policies and having a very difficult relationship with Russia.

scholarly journals ANALYSIS OF CURRENT INFORMATIONAL ASPECTS OF PROBABLE SCENARIO FOR THE DEVELOPMENT OF A MILITARY CONFLICT WITH THE RUSSIAN FEDERATION

2020 ◽  
pp. 12-25
Author(s):  
V. Bashynskyi ◽  
H. Pievtsov ◽  
P. Openko ◽  
A. Kozyr
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Armed Forces ◽  
The United States ◽  
Military Force ◽  
Baseline Scenario ◽  
Business Law ◽  
Modern Information Technology ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Impact

The beginning of the XXI century was characterized by the emergence of a new type of war – information one, when victory is achieved not by destroying the armed forces and the economy of the enemy, but through the impact on his moral and psychological condition. In modern conflicts, methods based on the integrated application of political, economic, informational and other non-military measures based on military force are increasingly used. The combination of these methods is implemented in the concept of hybrid warfare, the leading idea of which consists in achieving political goals with minimal military influence on the enemy through the use of modern information technology based on "soft power" and "hard power". The peculiarity of such a war is that it is conducted in disguise using mostly non-linear tactics and is not aimed at capturing the entire territory of the country, although it is possible to take control of partial territories, but to obtain patronage over the state, which is achieved through influence on the population, politics, business, law-enforcement agencies. A striking example of the implementation of the concept of hybrid war is the actions of the Russian Federation (hereinafter - Russia) against Ukraine. At the same time, Russia's "hybrid policy" is not limited to Ukraine. It also covers Europe and the United States, the EU and NATO. In order to analyze the development of the conflict between Ukraine and Russia in the period up to 2035, an analysis was made on the development of the information aspect of relations between Ukraine and other influential regional and world actors on the development of the situation around Ukraine. In preparing the forecast, the tools of scenario analysis were used, namely: the analysis of the main influencing factors, which allowed determining the trends of regional development until 2035. This analysis makes it possible to develop a baseline scenario for the development of the situation, provided that the situation around Ukraine over time will not change significantly; the main factors that are difficult to predict and non-collinear are identified.

scholarly journals The social, political and economic changes in the Western Balkans: Managing diversity

SEEU Review ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 107-126
Author(s):  
Ylber Sela ◽  
Bekim Maksuti
Keyword(s):  
Eastern Bloc ◽  
Nation State ◽  
Social Changes ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Economic Changes ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Cold War

Abstract This paper gives a retrospective of the events in the Balkans in the last 20 years. Hence, it indicates the problems, the progress and the challenges in terms of respecting and promoting diversity. The Western Balkans has always been a very interesting region with many challenges during different historical periods. If we take into consideration all the differences and diversities in this region, then this shouldn’t strike us as surprising. During history the Balkan region has always been a crossroads of many events, conflicts, changes and destructive occurrences. In order to understand the connection between ethnic and the religious diversity, as well as the future of the Western Balkan countries in terms of Euro-Atlantic integration, we need to provide some information about the political, economic and social changes in these countries during the past, especially in the last two decades. To get a better understanding of all the processes and events we need to take a look at the 90s of the last century. This period was one of the most important turning points in international relations. By the end of the Cold War there were two blocks within the societies – The Western (capitalist) and the Eastern (communist), and an agreement for the Balkans to be a balance between these two blocks. This fact was important for the promotion of the concept of the nation-state, which refers generally to both of the blocks. However, changes such as the dissolution and breakdown of the USSR and Yugoslavia, as well as the official Eastern bloc fiasco, brought an increase in the individual identity of the citizens living in these countries. This was the beginning of a new era to be characterized by conflicts, wars, refugees, humanitarian crises, a large number of casualties and injured people, because of the idea that the emerging countries, especially from the Balkan region, should be nation-state countries, i.e. composed of a nation thereby ignoring the ethnic and religious differences or the unrecognized diversity of the citizens of different ethnic groups living in these countries. The establishment of the Euro-Atlantic integration concept as a key national and state priority of almost every country in this region led to the understanding of differences as an asset, and not as an obstacle for the faster integration to the EU and NATO. This fact undoubtedly contributed to the establishment of the criteria for membership, and in particular to the promotion of the rights and freedoms of minorities as most important for the integration process.

scholarly journals Polityka rosyjska wobec Libii w latach 2011–2020. Determinanty i implikacje

2021 ◽  
Vol 49 (3) ◽  
pp. 81-110
Author(s):  
Paweł Bielicki
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
The United States ◽  
International Context ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Arab Spring ◽  
Near Future

The aim of this article is to describe the most important conditions and implications that characterise relations between Russia and Libya from the Arab Spring to the present day. The main thesis of this article assumes that the Kremlin is striving to play a significant role in the Middle East, seeing this as an opportunity to depreciate the importance of the United States, which Russia treats as its main political opponent in Europe. I have decided to present this topic as a result of the discussions in the scientific discourse on the instruments with which the Russian Federation wants to strengthen its political position in the Middle East and North Africa. Initially, this article discusses the relations of the two entities from the end of World War II to the outbreak of social protests in the Middle East in 2011, focusing on their contacts during the Cold War. Later in this article, the mutual ties between the countries after the overthrow of Muammar Gaddafi and the increased involvement of the Kremlin in the Libyan issue are described. Additionally, the article presents the goals of the growing activity of the Russian authorities in Libya from 2014 to 2018, as evidenced by the support of Russian politicians for General Khalif Haftar’s actions and the presence of the Wagner group aimed at supporting him. In this context, it is indispensable to mention the importance of the events in Syria for the strategy adopted by Moscow in the Libyan conflict. Moreover, the article tries to trace the rivalry between Russia and Turkey in Libya, which has been growing stronger in 2019 and 2020, by analysing its broad international context. The issue of economic contacts between Moscow and Tripoli is also worth attention. In conclusion, the article attempts to answer the question of whether the Russian Federation’ activities in Libya should be expected to intensify in the near future in the era of the progressive coronavirus pandemic and whether the global position of the United States should be expected to weaken.

scholarly journals LEGACY OF "KRISENMANAGERIN": MERKEL AND THE BALKANS

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teoman Ertuğrul Tulun
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Cultural Roots ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Eu

Among the current EU leaders, German Chancellor Angela Merkel has held office the longest. She was instrumental in steering the EU through the refugee crisis, the eurozone crisis, Covid-19, and, to some extent, Brexit. This article is a tale of many Merkel's with many faces. German presence in the Balkans has been strong, yet, on par with German foreign policy not very visible. Albania, North Macedonia, and Montenegro's entrance to NATO - the only significant move forward in a long time – is the achievement of the United States of America (USA) and Turkey.During Merkel's period, Western countries have tried to redefine the Balkan region. In renaming, carving, dividing up the region, the EU had several goals. One is to separate EU Balkan member states from their regional and cultural roots. Another is to create a second category called a divisive and discriminatory term "Western Balkans". Overall, Merkel's foreign policy has been successful as an economic plan, while the political approach has not.

scholarly journals The role of Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation Andrey Koziryev in the creation of the fates of Russia and Yugoslavia

Napredak ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 57-70
Author(s):  
Jelena Guskova
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
United States Of America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Main Task ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Good Reputation ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Creation

The paper considers the period of the formation of political structures and the establishment of foreign policy aims of the new state, the Russian Federation, in early 1992. The author attempts to reveal the role of the minister of foreign affairs of the Russian Federation Andrey Koziryev in the creation of the fates of Russia and Yugoslavia, what were the most prominent features of his diplomatic career and what factors guided his choices regarding certain questions that concerned the Balkans. His main task was to reform in more than just words the old Soviet Ministry of Foreign Affairs and to build the model for peacetime Russian diplomacy. Yeltsin naively believed that Koziryev would be able to demonstrate to all that Russia is a guarantor of peace in various regions, amongst others Yugoslavia, as he was a dynamic individual with a modern outlook. Koziryev suited Europe and the United States of America as he was "their man" in the Kremlin, he had a good reputation, granted the wishes of Western partners, and reduced the dangers of an unpredictable Russia. Koziryev was widely supported because he was always ready to cooperate and to fulfil all manner of requests and orders. As such he was desperately needed by the West.

scholarly journals International educational migration as a “soft power resource” in the globalization era

Upravlenie ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 131-139 ◽  
Author(s):  
V. A. Suvorova ◽  
I. A. Bronnikov
Keyword(s):  
Higher Education ◽  
United States ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Foreign Students ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Educational Migration ◽  
Russian Education ◽  
Russian Universities

The international educational migration as a resource of «soft power» of the state has been analyzed in the article. Based on comprehensive analysis of the existing definitions of educational migration the author’s interpretation of this concept have been proposed. Based on the data of UNESCO, the Institute of international education of the United States, the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation the statistics of international educational migration has been presented and analyzed. The main emphasis has been made on such categories of international educational migrants as students (bachelors, masters), postgraduate students. The reasons for the popularity of foreign students in countries such as Canada and the United States have been described. Based on the study two groups of factors have been highlighted: external and internal (motivational) factors, influencing decision-making in choosing the country of study.Based on the data of the Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation, the advantages of education in Russia have been analyzed. The issue of adaptation of foreign students in Russian universities has been considered: first-year curatorial programs, the Institute of student fellowships. It has been concluded hat Russian universities have a wealth of experience in teaching and adaptation of foreign students.The concepts and projects to attract foreign students to the Russian Federation also have been described in detail. Special attention to two projects “5–100” and “Export of Russian education” has been paid. The Federal Agency for the Commonwealth of Independent States Affairs, Compatriots Living Abroad, and International Humanitarian Cooperation (Rossotrudnichestvo) as one of the main institutions in the export of Russian education has been designated. The measures to attract foreign students to Russian universities have been proposed.

TREATMENT OF NICOTINE DEPENDENCE IN PATIENTS WITH ONCOLOGICAL DISEASES

2020 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-12
Author(s):  
Petr Yablonskiy ◽  
Olga Sukhovskaya ◽  
I. Kulikov
Keyword(s):  
Smoking Cessation ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Withdrawal Syndrome ◽  
Malignant Tumors ◽  
Behavioral Therapy ◽  
Tobacco Consumption ◽  
The United States ◽  
Nicotine Addiction ◽  
World Health ◽  
The Russian Federation

Worldwide, tobacco use is a major behavioral risk factor for cancer. A comparative study conducted in 2017 showed that 7.10 million deaths were associated with smoking. Tobacco consumption not only increases the risk of developing various forms of cancer, but also reduces life expectancy after suffering a cancer, and increases the risk of relapse. In patients with lung cancer who underwent lung resection, smoking increased the risk of nosocomial mortality by three times and significantly increased the incidence of pulmonary complications. In addition to the localization and stage of cancer, abstinence from tobacco consumption has been noted as the strongest predictor of survival in cancer patients. In the United States, National Recommendations for Comprehensive Cancer Treatment (NCCN) included recommendations for the treatment of nicotine addiction, including 12 weeks of behavioral therapy (including telephone counseling) in combination with smoking cessation drugs for all patients receiving treatment in oncological clinics. Treatment of nicotine addiction has proven cost-effective: in particular, it has been shown for a smoking cessation program prior to surgical resection of the lung. Principles 5 A are recommended by the World Health Organization (WHO) to assist in the smoking cessation. There are national guidelines in other countries. In the Russian Federation, clinical guidelines “Tobacco addiction syndrome, tobacco withdrawal syndrome in adults” were adopted. Given the significant impact of smoking on the prognosis of cancer, the treatment of nicotine addiction should be an integral part of the treatment of malignant tumors. The most effective treatment is the combination of pharmacotherapy and cognitive-behavioral therapy. Teaching behavioral methods to overcome the withdrawal syndrome can be conducted by calling the to Quitline, organized by the Ministry of Health of the Russian Federation.

Comparison and analysis of the fda approved orphane drugs registerand the vital and essential drugs list of the Russian Federation

2020 ◽  
pp. 4-16
Author(s):  
D.S. Yurochkin ◽  
◽  
A.A. Leshkevich ◽  
Z.M. Golant ◽  
I.A. NarkevichSaint ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Russian Federation ◽  
Rare Diseases ◽  
Orphan Drugs ◽  
The United States ◽  
Orphan Diseases ◽  
Essential Drugs ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
Comparison And Analysis ◽  
The Government

The article presents the results of a comparison of the Orphan Drugs Register approved for use in the United States and the 2020 Vital and Essential Drugs List approved on October 12, 2019 by Order of the Government of the Russian Federation No. 2406-r. The comparison identified 305 international non-proprietary names relating to the main and/or auxiliary therapy for rare diseases. The analysis of the market of drugs included in the Vital and Essential Drugs List, which can be used to treat rare (orphan) diseases in Russia was conducted.

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