scholarly journals LEGACY OF "KRISENMANAGERIN": MERKEL AND THE BALKANS

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Teoman Ertuğrul Tulun
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Cultural Roots ◽  
Political Approach ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Eu

Among the current EU leaders, German Chancellor Angela Merkel has held office the longest. She was instrumental in steering the EU through the refugee crisis, the eurozone crisis, Covid-19, and, to some extent, Brexit. This article is a tale of many Merkel's with many faces. German presence in the Balkans has been strong, yet, on par with German foreign policy not very visible. Albania, North Macedonia, and Montenegro's entrance to NATO - the only significant move forward in a long time – is the achievement of the United States of America (USA) and Turkey.During Merkel's period, Western countries have tried to redefine the Balkan region. In renaming, carving, dividing up the region, the EU had several goals. One is to separate EU Balkan member states from their regional and cultural roots. Another is to create a second category called a divisive and discriminatory term "Western Balkans". Overall, Merkel's foreign policy has been successful as an economic plan, while the political approach has not.

scholarly journals Challenges and prospects of German foreign policy

2012 ◽  
Vol 64 (4) ◽  
pp. 403-424
Author(s):  
Ognjen Pribicevic ◽  
Brano Miljus
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
German Foreign Policy ◽  
Economic Power ◽  
Economic Policies ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Un Security Council ◽  
Long Time ◽  
World Economic ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
The Eu

For the last few years, the German foreign policy has been under constant temptations and substantial reconsideration. The key role in resolving the difficult economic and financial crises in the EU, the development of close economic ties with the Russian and other rising world economic powers, the decision to sustain in the UN Security Council in deciding to authorise the use of force in Libya, as well as the dominant attitude towards the crises in Greece and Kosovo clearly shows the wish of Germany to pursue a more independent foreign policy. In spite of all these efforts and its huge economic power, Germany has failed to become a global political power. Moreover, in order to protect and develop its trade interests Germany must remain within the frameworks of the EU and the NATO. For a long time, Germany has been one of Serbia?s most important economic and political partners. Since it is realistic to expect that Germany will be more oriented towards developing its economic ties with the new world economic powers, the Western Balkans and Serbia will not be in the focus of its foreign and economic policies. Therefore, for Serbia, it will be useful to concentrate on the cooperation with the mighty German provinces that have their interests in developing this cooperation. In the future, the Kosovo issues will remain the main obstacle to it.

Border disputes will keep Balkan region unstable

2017 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Economic Development ◽  
Adverse Impact ◽  
Business Continuity ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Potential Conflict ◽  
Content Type ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
International Border ◽  
The Eu

Subject Intensifying disputes over several borders in the Western Balkans. Significance Croatia and Slovenia are at odds over their maritime border in the Adriatic. Kosovo rejects Montenegro’s claim to a parcel of land which Kosovo currently controls, while Serbia is mounting a challenge to the very existence of its border with Kosovo. Bosnian Serbs are threatening to create a new international border with the rest of Bosnia-Hercegovina (BiH). Impacts Border disputes will have an adverse impact on economic development and business continuity in the affected areas. Border disputes will frustrate the integration of the Balkans with the EU and NATO. Disputes over borders will provide a flashpoint for potential conflict, especially in Kosovo and BiH.

Finland and Sweden

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jan Joel Andersson
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Central Africa ◽  
The United States ◽  
Strategic Choices ◽  
Territorial Defence ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Long Time ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Out Of Area ◽  
The Eu

Since the end of the cold war, the two Nordic neighbours and non-NATO members Finland and Sweden have undertaken major defence reforms but have pursued rather different strategic choices. After some initial hesitation in the mid-1990s, Sweden rapidly abandoned its long-time focus on territorial defence in the 2000s, suspended conscription in 2009, and turned to out-of-area operations in collaboration with partners in NATO, the EU, and the UN in the Balkans, Afghanistan, Libya, and Central Africa. In contrast, Finland chose to remain more focused on territorial defence and was one of few European countries that retained national conscription after the end of the cold war. Bordering an increasingly aggressive Russia, Finland and Sweden are refocusing on territorial defence and intensifying their bilateral military collaboration as well as their collaboration with the United States. Meanwhile, both countries are increasingly debating possible NATO membership.

scholarly journals The Perspectives of Russia’s Soft Power in the Western Balkans Region

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 231-244
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Djokic
Keyword(s):  
Russian Federation ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
The United States ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Russian Federation ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
Economic Ties

The article analyzes the perspectives of Russia’s soft power in the Balkans. The Russian Federation has longstanding historical, political, cultural and economic ties to the Balkan region. Therefore, being free of a one-sided ideological approach that hampered the usage of soft power by the USSR during the Cold War era, Russia stands at the crossroads as to how best to use it’s great potential for peaceful diplomacy and influence in the Western Balkans. The article will provide an analysis of the achievements of the Russian Federation in regards to extending it’s influence in the Western Balkans, but also the downsides of it’s foreign policy. The analysis will encompass several Western Balkan states and their ties to Russia in terms of soft power: Serbia, Montenegro and Bosnia and Herzegovina. The article raises the question: whether Russia can withstand the struggle for influence over the Balkans with it’s greatest rivals in the region - the United States and the EU? The author concludes that it depends largely on the various approaches and methods used by Russian diplomacy and the level of funding of various projects that can be used to extend Russia’s cultural influence in the Balkan peninsula.

scholarly journals POLITICAL AND ECONOMIC GOVERNANCE: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS OF EASTERN EUROPEAN COUNTRIES AND UKRAINE

2019 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 91
Author(s):  
Tamara Latkovska ◽  
Lyubov Bila-Tiunova
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Economic Governance ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
The Third ◽  
Eu Membership ◽  
Balkan Countries ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

The presented work is an attempt to compare the quality of governance in non-EU states in the Western Balkans and Eastern Europe with which the EU Association Agreements have been concluded, and Ukraine, including aspects of the impact of the DCFTA (Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Areas). The most important issues are the interpretation of the results, the equality of countries, and the political consequences that may arise after the progression and the rapid pace of the member countries of the DCFTA towards the countries of the Balkan region. The identified countries seek full membership in the EU. Although the EU distinguishes between these countries, it recognizes “European prospects”, that is, membership in the EU, the commitments to adopt or approach EU laws and policies, made by both groups of countries, have much in common. This makes the comparison between the countries of the Balkan region and the member states of the DCFTA a sound and politically significant one. Such comparison is facilitated by numerous sources, qualitative assessments, and official ratings. Figuratively by analytical indicators, the countries can be divided into the first group of leading countries (Serbia and Montenegro) for which in February 2018 the European Commission proposed to consider 2025 as the possible date of accession to the EU. The second group (Albania and Macedonia), for which the date of accession negotiations is conditionally open in 2019. The third group includes Bosnia and Herzegovina, Kosovo, for which there are no dates, and Turkey, the negotiations with which are suspended. For comparison, if we take both political and economic indicators of Ukraine, it is approximately equal to the Balkan states of the second group and outstrips the states of the third group. The prospect of EU membership was recognized as the strongest external factor of internal political changes in the countries surrounding the EU. One of the most striking trends is the steady decline in the standards of political governance in all countries, for which the EU expands its membership perspective. One of the main manifestations of poor governance in the broader neighbourhood is the widespread corruption and impunity of officials. Weak rule of law and ineffective law enforcement bodies have become common practice in all different states and have allowed current officials to act impunity during their term of office. The identified results challenge the assumption dominating in political and scientific circles that a credible prospect of EU membership is steadily generating an internal environment conducive to democratic changes. The effectiveness of economic governance was assessed by the indicators of competitiveness of the national economy (Global Competitiveness Index, Corruption Perceptions Index, Human Development Index, Ease of Doing Business Index, Index of Economic Freedom, Index of Globalization, SEDA (Sustainable Economic Development Assessment)); GDP dynamics; the volume of foreign direct investment; economic activity of the population. In practice, the EU applies an increasing number of common economic policy instruments for the Balkans and member countries of the DCFTA, in spite of the political (or rhetorical) differentiation between countries, given the categorization of membership prospects. The convergence of the actual EU policy has taken place. The Association Agreements and the DCFTA have raised the level of political and economic governance in Georgia, Moldova, and Ukraine at the level of the Balkan countries while the expansion process for the Balkan countries has not advanced.

scholarly journals A Transatlantic Secular Divide? The Representation of Religion in EU and US Foreign Policy

2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (4) ◽  
pp. 451-469 ◽  
Author(s):  
Anne Jenichen
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Foreign Policy ◽  
The United States ◽  
Us Foreign Policy ◽  
Foreign Affairs ◽  
Policy Documents ◽  
Foreign Policies ◽  
Eu And Us ◽  
And Behavior ◽  
The Eu

AbstractIt is a common—often stereotypical—presumption that Europe is secular and America religious. Differences in international religious freedom and religious engagement policies on both sides of the Atlantic seem to confirm this “cliché.” This article argues that to understand why it has been easier for American supporters to institutionalize these policies than for advocates in the EU, it is important to consider the discursive structures of EU and US foreign policies, which enable and constrain political language and behavior. Based on the analysis of foreign policy documents, produced by the EU and the United States in their relationship with six religiously diverse African and Asian states, the article compares how both international actors represent religion in their foreign affairs. The analysis reveals similarities in the relatively low importance that they attribute to religion and major differences in how they represent the contribution of religion to creating and solving problems in other states. In sum, the foreign policies of both international actors are based on a secular discursive structure, but that of the United States is much more accommodative toward religion, including Islam, than that of the EU.

Italy's politics without policy: Balancing Atlanticism and Europeanism in the Middle East

Modern Italy ◽  
2008 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 135-153 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raffaella A. Del Sarto ◽  
Nathalie Tocci
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Middle East ◽  
The United States ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Short Term ◽  
The Government ◽  
Specific Interests ◽  
Policy Shifts ◽  
The Eu

Focusing on Italy's Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001–2006) and the second Prodi (2006–2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a ‘Europeanist’ and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Rome's policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italy's specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the European Union, the analysis highlights how these swings of the pendulum along the EU–US axis are inextricably linked to a number of underlying structural weaknesses of Rome's foreign policy. In particular, the oscillations can be explained by the prevalence of short-term political (and domestic) considerations and the absence of long-term, substantive political strategies, or, in short, by the phenomenon of ‘politics without policy’ that often characterises Italy's foreign policy.

German Policy towards EU Enlargement

2015 ◽  
pp. 18-22
Author(s):  
F. Basov
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Developed Countries ◽  
Eu Enlargement ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
Eastern Partnership ◽  
Western Balkan Region ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Eu

This article is dedicated to the German policy towards the EU enlargement. Its history as well as the current German policy towards prospective enlargements are analyzed in this paper. The article offers party-political and sociological analysis of Germany`s attitude towards the EU enlargement, also the reasons for it are determined. FRG supported all of the European Community and European Union enlargements. This line is being continued, but nowadays only step to step approach is being supported. Germany‘s motives to the EU enlargement are based on the liberal concept of the common security. The main goals of this policy are the including of European countries into the Western community of developed countries (the EU), the extension of the stability and security area. The economic integration is also very important for Germany. The key priority of the EU enlargement is the Western Balkan region (the so called “Europeanisation” of Western Balkans). This process is being supported by political elites of the region and by the European Union itself. It is recognized, that the Europeanisation of Western Balkans was used as a sample for the Eastern Partnership Program. Without consideration of the Russian factor, though, this strategy towards the post-Soviet countries has many weaknesses. But the EU-membership for the Eastern Partnership members is not excluded.

ROMANIA AND THE BALKANS: POLITICAL, HISTORICAL AND CULTURAL ASPECTS

2021 ◽  
pp. 233-252
Author(s):  
Tatiana Bitkova ◽  
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Balkan Peninsula ◽  
Western Balkans ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Cultural Aspects ◽  
Balkan Countries ◽  
Regional Leadership ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
The Common

The article analyzes some aspects of Romania’s foreign policy in the Balkan region. It is noted that the same fact that country belongs to the Balkans causes ambiguous interpretations on the part of Romanian politicians and experts, many of whom believe that Romania cannot be attributed to this region either geographically or politically. At the same time, culturally and historically, according to a certain part of historians and sociologists, Romania nevertheless carries the features of the so-called «Balkanism», due to the common Ottoman past with the Balkan Peninsula. These features are also relevant for the current socio-political situation, which is shown in the article with specific examples. In addition, criticism of the very term «Balkanism» from the side of Romanian analysts is presented. The author also examines Romania’s relations with the countries of the Western Balkans, primarily with Serbia. The points of contact of the positions of these countries are noted, which are largely due to the desire of Serbia to resolve the Kosovo problem in its favor, relying on the support of Romania - one of the five EU countries that did not recognize the independence of Kosovo. Romania, using this situation, is trying to strengthen its position, seeking regional leadership. The author comes to the conclusion that, although the Western Balkan countries directly or indirectly aspire to Euro-Atlantic structures, some of them (primarily Serbia) maintain and develop friendly relations with Russia, which complicates their interaction with Romania, orthodoxly adhering to the NATO and European Union policies and having a very difficult relationship with Russia.

Restoring the Memory

2019 ◽  
pp. 30-49
Author(s):  
Goran Ilik
Keyword(s):  
The European Union ◽  
Main Research ◽  
East European ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
European Cooperation ◽  
Balkan Region ◽  
Key Features ◽  
Balkan States ◽  
The Eu

This chapter explores the key features of the concept of postnationalism, its modes, and theoretical implications regarding the European Union. The main research intention is to explore the EU as a model and an agent for reconciliation of the Balkan region. For that purpose, the main operative elements of both the South East European Cooperation Process and “Yugosphere” are examined. At the end, it is concluded that the emulation of EU postnational model by the Balkan countries enables the process of reconciliation. Hence, the Balkan states seems to be “forced” to cooperate with each other, in order to achieve their common objective – their full integration into the EU, which strongly confirms the role of the EU as an agent for reconciliation of the Balkans.

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