POLITICAL SCENARIOS OF THE EUROPEAN PARLIAMENTARY MONARCHIES’ DEVELOPMENT AND THEIR IMPACT ON THE DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL PROCESS

2021 ◽  
Vol 16 (5) ◽  
pp. 131-140
Author(s):  
M.S. KABATSKY ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern Time ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Research ◽  
Form Of Government ◽  
The Future

The article discusses the concept of political scenarios that can be applied to identify the prospects for the development of European parliamentary monarchies. A detailed typology of political scenarios is proposed, as well as their influence on both European parliamentary monarchies and the European political process is established. The proposed classification considers political scenarios that may arise in parliamentary and non-parliamentary monarchies, as well as in republics, including scenarios for the development and preservation of a parliamentary monarchy, or its weakening, abolition or transition to a different kind of monarchy, as well as scenarios of a potential transition to a parliamentary monarchy, restoration or proclamation. All the described political scenarios are included in the groups of main or reserve scenarios, depending on the political probability of their occurrence. The proposed political scenarios are illustrated with historical and contemporary examples founded on the research of political systems and political institutions of European states. The developed classification of political scenarios reflects the versatility and multi-vector of the variants of the evolution of the parliamentary monarchy in modern time, and covers all potential paths of transformation, which makes it possible to use this classification in political research aimed at studying European parliamentary monarchies, as well as political forecasting of the state of this form of government in the foreseeable the future.

scholarly journals Historical Policy in the context of Transformations of the National security Concepts in Belarus and Russia: theoretical foundations

2021 ◽  
pp. 120-129
Author(s):  
A.A. Mushta ◽  
◽  
T.V. Rastimehina ◽  
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Historical Memory ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
The Individual ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Theoretical Foundations

The interrelated concepts of historical policy and memory policy are considered. The foundations of the relationship between the security policy of the individual, society and the state and the policy of memory are traced. The author notes the peculiarity of modern Russian and Belarusian historical politics, which is associated with the use of historical memory as a source of legitimacy of political institutions. The author shows the prerequisites for the securitization of historical and memory policy in the context of increasing risks and threats of an external nature and internal destabilization in relation to the political systems of Belarus and Russia.

Impact of Political Instability on the Reality of Iraqi Political Parties: A Study According to the Results of the 2018 Elections

2018 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 151-162
Author(s):  
Hamsa Kahtan Khalaf
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Active Role ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Forces

Abstract The Iraqi political parties had been affected since 2003 by the political pivotal transformations which happened according to the aftermaths of democratic elections , especially under the disruptions of American’s invasion that led in cooperation with its allies in April 2003 .So the social and political situations became ruling according to the new aspects of practicing the new stage of authority as compromise settlements and quota and ethno - sectarian distribution to be as following as compatible with theory of practicing the authority responsibilities(Power sharing ) as what happened now , besides to that all political democracy scene has greatly been distorted because of the instability penetrated within rebuilding the state and its institutions from the beginning as planned by an active powerful political forces . Many functions that are characterized by competitions among the political parties had changed the concepts of exercising democracy in a real way to be done an effective shape ,because of the political and social actors had different role ,which were being a reflection of another reality within the democracy’s process .So that all the situations had been complicated too much owing to the factors of political instability that influenced negatively on the framework of the state , especially the impacts of economic and social factors as of poverty, stagnation , ignorance and disease and another underdevelopment features which predominated over political and social retrogression levels . In addition to that the absence of an efficient administrative elites , which appeared recently under different conditions and circumstances .So it was became very obviously as we know precisely that democracy’s process in Iraq since 2003 was comprehensively undemocratic in practicing because the political forces have not democratic culture that encourage the dialogue to solve all pending problems , and have not abundant tolerance to accept the differences of others parties yet . The phenomenon of the political instability has divided into different varieties by which scattering among the addresses of suspicion and it definitely has a sectarian discourse dimension in case of dealing among each other . So these addresses and dialogues were being away from the political national conformity correctly , because of there was something like definitely as the exclusion and marginalization discourses in order to narrowing any active political party within the political process try to do pro - active role to settle all pending crises . Furthermore , the reality of political life has been under the continuous crises and conflicts over an authority along time not to gain gradually the outcomes of procurement during application the constitution clauses and valid laws , in order to preserving the political stability and to be done more far from the national unity fragmentation and the weakness of political institutions . Finally , we need too much time to reach into condition of stability , especially after opening anew spaces toward active real participation , and because there was a growing need for educated people who could administer the society and the state institutionally by existing strong government, and ultimately peoples will have ability to form new political governing elites later.

The Dynamics of Coercion in the Malaysian Political Process

1985 ◽  
Vol 19 (4) ◽  
pp. 797-822 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Barraclough
Keyword(s):  
Human Rights ◽  
Political Participation ◽  
Political System ◽  
Political Process ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Democratic Values ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Direct Bearing ◽  
Control And Management

The study of coercion and how it is applied within a political system is useful for a number of reasons. As a strategy of control and management it is in itself worthy of investigation. Moreover, an examination of how coercion is applied can tell us much about the nature of a particular polity. Indeed, as Weber emphasized, the state itself is distinguished from other political systems to the extent that it successfully upholds the claim to the legitimate application of force. The willingness of a regime to use coercion against opponents or dissidents, or to regulate the political participation of the ordinary citizenry, has a direct bearing upon such questions as human rights, democratic values, authoritarianism, and the degree of consensus within a given polity.

scholarly journals Przemiany polityczne na Islandii w warunkach kryzysu bankowego i gospodarczego

2011 ◽  
pp. 14-45
Author(s):  
Joachim Osiński
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Banking Sector ◽  
Banking Crisis ◽  
Banking System ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Special Role ◽  
Form Of Government

The author begins with a brief description of the essential political institutions of Iceland, as a republic with a parliamentary cabinet form of government and the special role of the president, arguing with the point of views that Iceland should be seen as a state with a semi-presidential form of government. Describing the political situation before the banking crisis, the author underlines the strong position of the Independence Party, which according to the results of the parliamentary elections (elections in 2007), plays a leading role in the "political life" of the state. The author pays attention to the process of oligarchisation in that party and the informal systems of social-network-based links and pathological links between the worlds of politics and business. Growing since the 90s, the dominance of a few family clans, together with the deregulation and privatization of the economy, led to nepotism and lack of accountability on the part of politicians and business representatives. An expansion of the three largest Icelandic banks Landsbanki, Kaupthing and Glitnir, without any significant criticism and state control, has led to a situation where at the end of 2008 their assets were 10-fold greater than the GDP of Iceland. Loss of confidence in the interbank markets after the collapse of Lehman Brothers in the U.S., caused inhibition of liquidity and consequently the collapse of these banks, eventually acquired by the state. The most spectacular was the collapse of Icesave - the Internet branch of Landsbanki operating in the UK and the Netherlands. The disintegration of the banking system led to a disintegration of the coalition government. Early elections in April 2009, won by the Social Democratic Alliance and the Left-Green Movement, led to the formation of a center-left government of Prime Minister, Ms J. Sigur?ardóttir. The first major action was the government's reorientation of foreign policy and submitting an application for EU membership, and the subsequent arrangement of the debts after the collapse of these banks, reform of the central bank and banking supervisors, the establishment of a parliamentary committee to investigate the banking crisis and identify those responsible, the appointment of a special Prosecutor investigating violations of law during privatization of the banking sector and the actions taken on the eve of the crisis. The article contains the constitutional and legal analysis of the first and second so-called referendum. on Icesave, conducted after the President vetoed a further act concerning Iceland's agreements with its creditors - the United Kingdom and the Netherlands. As a result, residents of Iceland have not agreed to repay debts incurred without any fault on their part and through arrogance, incompetence and greed of the financial elite and the political managers controlling the banking system. This puts into question the country's future membership in the EU. The government, despite the opposition to the proposal made by a vote of no confidence, which fell, still take the difficult decisions associated with the revitalization of the banking system and economy of Iceland and improve its international image.

scholarly journals Central Asian States in the International Rankings of Democracy Development

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 379-393
Author(s):  
Elena G. Garbuzarova
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Political Life ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Regimes ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Western Countries ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
Soviet Legacy ◽  
The Masses

Since gaining independence, Central Asian states declared their commitment to democratization and development of a market economy, building their political systems based on the uncontested Western liberal-democratic model. Leaving behind the Soviet legacy, the political elites of Central Asian states strive to build an effective strategy for national and state development and to form effective democratic institutions. However, after several decades, the political regimes in the countries of the region have become more authoritarian than democratic. In the process of democratic transition, the countries face serious threats in the form of political instability and socio-economic problems. The renaissance of traditional national features made them an integral element of the political life of the sovereign states. The development of democracy in the states of the region is influenced by informal institutions - tribal relations, regionalism and the clan structure of society. In fact, the introduction of the basic elements of democracy into the political process of Central Asian states is formal or declarative, and the participation of the masses in politics is limited. Using various methods and criteria, international democracy development ratings assess the level of democratic development in transition states. Western countries set their own norms and rules for the democratization of transition countries based on the ratings of political transformation. As a result, international ratings are used as a tool for achieving the interests of Western countries that seek to reformat the political regimes of non-democratic countries, regardless of their socio-cultural characteristics. Each Central Asian state has its own features and dynamics/statics of democratic transit, but they are all united by the personification of power and loyalty to the autocrat rather than to the political institutions. The author attempts to trace the current state of the political systems of Central Asian states, highlighting the positive and negative trends in their democratization.

scholarly journals Institutionalism of rational choice: theoretical and methodological foundations and Ukrainian political science

2019 ◽  
Vol 22 (11) ◽  
pp. 37-46
Author(s):  
О. В. Баштанник
Keyword(s):  
Rational Choice ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Research Strategy ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Behaviour ◽  
Political Actors ◽  
Distribution Of Resources ◽  
Rational Choice Institutionalism

It has been substantiated that the use of a research strategy of rational choice institutionalism was one of the factors that contributed to a return to the institutional theory of policy analysis individual dimension in the paper. Possibilities to achieve utility and distribution of resources in society at the political process micro-level began to be considered as sufficiently important resultants of functioning of the institutional system alongside macro-politics. In addition, it is specified that application of the methodology of the STEM subjects has allowed characterizing the activities of political institutions using the terms of effectiveness, which led to a reorientation of the study of their informal varieties as real regulators of political behaviour. However, the interest in empirical development has created the danger of rationalizing the politics up to its dehumanization, whereof avoiding, according to foreign political scientists, is possible adhering to ethical constraints that arise from the peculiarities of complex human nature.As a result of the analysis held, it has been found that, unlike the studies of foreign experts who distinguish various substantive areas of analysis in the theory of rational choice institutionalism, the applied potential of implementation of elements of its methodology in the works of Ukrainian scientists is rather instrumental. The general conclusion is that the research strategy of this version of new institutionalism in the practical plane is used mainly as one of many methodological approaches to the study of different political phenomena and processes. To some extent, similar to the particular area of research that reveals the analytical resource of rational choice institutionalism is to study the peculiarities of formation and functioning of parliament and the related processes (electoral strategies and coalition arrangements).It is emphasized that the most interesting for us may be the segment of scientific works, which are based on the theory of rational choice institutionalism, and related to the analysis of those factors that may impede democratic transformations in transitional political systems. It can be argued that inefficient political institutions, despite their irrational nature, continue to function in the political system because they are the product of a rational choice of influential political actors. In this case, the understanding of the very concept of rationality is distorted, which from an absolute category is transformed into a relative one, not only because of the limitations associated with the action of moral and ethical factors, but mainly due to maintenance of an inefficient institutional equilibrium, i.e. an institutional trap.

The future of the political system in the State of Southern Sudan

2019 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 142
Author(s):  
Mohammed Shattab Edan
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political System ◽  
South Sudan ◽  
External Environment ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Southern Sudan ◽  
The Future ◽  
Negative Impacts

The political system in the young state of South Sudan, which was founded in 2011, is characterized by changes in the reality of the state in general and the political institutions formed for this system in particular. These variables include obstructive challenges and support factors for its continuation, which are distributed in the internal and external environment. In accordance with its mechanism of dealing with it by reducing the negative impacts of the challenges and exploiting opportunities for support factors.

Religious Organizations and Political Process in Centralized Empires

1962 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 271-294 ◽  
Author(s):  
S. N. Eisenstadt
Keyword(s):  
General Problem ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Max Weber ◽  
Mutual Influence ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Religion And Politics ◽  
Sociology Of Religion ◽  
The State ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Organizations

The problem of the relations between religious and political organizations and systems has been of long standing in the broad field of comparative historical studies and in the sociology of religion. The work of Max Weber, although more explicitly focused on the relations between economics and religion has, of course, contained many general and concrete analyses on the interrelations between religion and politics in general and between specific types of religious and political systems in particular. Some of the recent works dealing with this area have been devoted to the more general problem of “The State and Religion.” These discussions have emphasized the problem of their interdependence and mutual influence, especially in the more “developed” forms of both religious and political institutions, but have not always specified the exact types of religious and political structures whose interaction formed the object of the analysis.

scholarly journals Diia. Digital state’ and E-Government Practices as Anti-Corruption Tools in Ukraine

2021 ◽  
Vol 17 ◽  
pp. 885-897
Author(s):  
Kostyantyn B. Marysyuk ◽  
Inna O. Tomchuk ◽  
Mykhaіlo D. Denysovskyі ◽  
Iryna O. Geletska ◽  
Bohdan V. Khutornyi
Keyword(s):  
Political Institutions ◽  
Social Transformation ◽  
Complex Structure ◽  
Political Process ◽  
Transition Countries ◽  
Economic Benefits ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Economic Agents ◽  
Systemic Analysis

The research is topical due to complex structure and multifactority of corruption in transition countries, its overcoming and prevention. The study is aimed to identify opportunities and assess the political experience of anti-corruption practices in transition countries, based on analysis of anti-corruption policy, in part e-government. Case study methods, systemic analysis of modernization processes in the political systems of transition countries, structural and functional analysis of anti-corruption policy, methods for predicting the success of transit processes in countries, modeling plausible scenarios of these processes were applied. Transitional systems are highly corrupt. There is institutional corruption in transition countries, i.e. corruption that has become a special institution regarding traumatic social transformation. The reason for institutionalization of corruption is weakness of transitional states, which has not yet become democratic. The use of information technology in political management becomes one of the leading criteria for democratization of political institutions, openness of political systems. Optimization of anti-corruption practices involves in part introduction of e-government. The consideration of e-government is methodologically comprehensive. The consequences of corruption relate to the redistribution of budget funds, various economic benefits, which are not always good for citizens. Economic growth is slowing down, the priorities of socio-economic development are distorted, the labor and entrepreneurial motivation of economic agents, is distorted. The experience of modernization of transformations and political reforms in different regions shows that one of the main factors determining specifics of political process is effectiveness of national models of anti-corruption practices in interests of citizens

Парламент или Советы: российский выбор 1918 года

2016 ◽  
Vol 14 (3) ◽  
pp. 93-99
Author(s):  
Игорь А. Исаев
Keyword(s):  
Legal History ◽  
Direct Action ◽  
The State ◽  
European Countries ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Political Form ◽  
The Revolution

The article deals with one of the most important issues in the Soviet political and legal history. The choice of the political form that was established almost immediately after the victory of the Bolsheviks in the Revolution of 1917, meant a change in the direction of development of the state. Councils became an alternative to the parliamentary republic. The article analyzes the basic principles of both political systems and the reasons for such a choice. The author emphasizes transnational political direction of the so-called “direct action” which took place not only in Russia, but also in several European countries.

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