Developing economic cooperation between Russia and China

2021 ◽  
Vol 23 (3) ◽  
pp. 98-102
Author(s):  
SVETLANA CHACHINA ◽  

The article presents the results of the analysis of Russian-Chinese economic cooperation over the past 70 years in light of the shift happening in both countries’ political paradigms and economic interests. The evolution of trade, economic and political relations, along with a detailed study of its stages, is described. The author examines the current state of economic relations between the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China and pays attention to both positive and negative development trends as well as their further prospects. Despite the fact that economic relations at the state level do not have a very long history from the point of view of a historical perspective and are less than 100 years old, they had a serious impact on the development of China: the participation of the Soviet Union was marked not only by the modernization of production field, but also by extensive investments and training of specialists. The development of Russian-Chinese cooperation was significantly influenced by the well-known political events of 2014 and the subsequent sanctions against the Russian Federation by Western countries, which gave rise to retaliatory sanctions from Russia. At the same time, despite the obvious successes of international economic cooperation between Russia and China, there are still many factors that have or may potentially harm their development. Most economists, along with public administration experts, understand the importance of eliminating the “commodity roll” of Russian exports since the benefits for both countries are relevant only for short time periods, but in the long term, both countries benefit from diversifying production and increasing exports from Russia to China of mechanical engineering products, chemical production, as well as other high-tech products.

Author(s):  
Egor Aleksandrovich Iakovlev

As the successor state of the former superpower USSR, the Russian Federation retains its high status of the “guarantor of peace” for the entire international community due to a range of political, military and economic means, currently being on of the few “police states”. The role of police states is important to such extent that no major conflict can be settled without their participation or approval. Such status of Russia is being maintained by its military power, as well as a number of political privileges. Alongside any police state, Russia has developed its own strategy for interfering or settling the international military conflicts using the existing toolkit. This defines the relevance of analysis of the current state of the Russian range of means and tools for suppression and settlement of the conflicts. The goal of this research consists in examination of the the means available to the Russian Federation for settling military conflicts, as well as in the analysis of the state and prospects of their use in peacekeeping campaigns of the Russian Federation. It is worth noting that the Russian Federation as the successor state of the Soviet Union, and one of the members of the nuclear club and permanent members of the United Nations Security Council, retains and extends the range of tools for handling and settling military conflicts, from the preventive tools of cultural-diplomatic influence such as Federal Agency for the Commonwealth of Independent States Affairs, Compatriots Living Abroad, and International Humanitarian Cooperation (commonly known as Rossotrudnichestvo) to high-tech military weapons, which have no analogues among the overwhelming majority of participants of international relations. The presence of such rich arsenal testifies to strong peacekeeping potential of the Russian Federation; however, the currently observed inclination towards the priority of coercive tools can severely undermine the ability of the Russian Federation to settle international military conflicts.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (6/1) ◽  
pp. 13-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Oleg V. GRIGORIEV

The article is devoted to questions of distortion of historical events in the modern world, which became a real weapon used in the war “for the minds of people”. According to the author, such a war, with the use of a wide arsenal of information and psychological means, against the Russian Federation has long been under way. The author is worried about the fact that in the Chinese media recently extensive information propaganda aimed at advancing Chinese historians’ assessments of the significance of the Chinese army during the Second World War and, thus, undermining the role of the Soviet Union in the victory over militaristic Japan. The author argues that this cannot be regarded as a well-thought out strategic information operation whose ultimate goal is to form the international public opinion on the recognition of China’s decisive value in Second World War. It is anticipated that this will provide China with a moral right to occupy a dominant position in the Asia-Pacific region, as well as additional opportunities to qualify for leadership in the modern international security system. The article examines some historical aspects of China’s role in the victory over militaristic Japan. A brief description of the assistance of the Soviet Union of China during the Second World War is given. The paper argues that the Chinese side maintained superiority in the fight against Japan, in connection with which it suffered a 35millionth loss. The author cites the opinion of the Russian military historians who believe that judging the contribution of one or another party only in terms of the number of victims does not seem to be quite correct, both from the militarypolitical point of view and purely psychological position. In conclusion, the article concludes that existing disagreements in approaches and assessments need to be eliminated on the principles of good-neighborliness and mutual respect. This requires active and consolidated performances by Russian and Chinese scientists and specialists at different levels, media support and other significant actions based on the agreed position of the leadership of the Russian Federation and the People’s Republic of China.


2020 ◽  
pp. 245-265
Author(s):  
Арсен Артурович Григорян

Цель данной статьи - описать условия, в которых Армянская Апостольская Церковь вступила в эпоху правления Н. С. Хрущёва, начавшуюся в 1953 г. По содержанию статью можно поделить на две части: в первой даются сведения о количестве приходов на территории Советского Союза и за его пределами, а также о составе армянского духовенства в СССР; во второй излагаются проблемы, существовавшие внутри Армянской Церкви, и рассматриваются их причины. Методы исследования - описание и анализ. Ценность исследования заключается в использовании ранее неопубликованных документов Государственного архива Российской Федерации и Национального архива Армении. По итогам изучения фактического материала выделяются основные проблемы Армянской Апостольской Церкви на 1953 г.: финансовый дефицит, конфликт армянских католикосатов и стремление враждующих СССР и США использовать церковь в своих политических целях. The purpose of this article is to describe the conditions in which the Armenian Apostolic Church entered the epoch of the reign of N. S. Khrushchev, which began in 1953. The article can be divided into two parts: first one gives information about the number of parishes in the territory of the Soviet Union and beyond, and about the structure of the Armenian clergy in the USSR; the second one sets out the problems that existed in the Armenian Church and discusses their causes. Research methods - description and analysis. The value of the study lies in the use of previously unpublished documents of the State Archive of the Russian Federation and the National Archive of Armenia. Based on the results of studying the materials, the main problems of the Armenian Apostolic Church in 1953 are: financial deficit, the conflict of Armenian Catholicosates and the eagerness of USSR and the USA, that feuded with each other, to use the Сhurch for their political purposes.


Author(s):  
Valentina Mikhailovna Bol'shakova

The subject of this research is the evolution of the structure of judicial system of the Russian Federation in the late XX – early XXI centuries. Description is given to the changes undergone by the Russian judicial system after dissolution of the Soviet Union. The author follows the dynamics of the normative legal changes that regulate judicial proceedings, as well as reveals the institutional framework of the modern structure of judicial system of the Russian Federation. The article illustrates the institutional and normative changes within the structure of judicial system of the Russian Federation in the late XX – early XXI centuries based on application of the comparative-legal and systemic methods of research. The novelty and the main conclusions lie in the following: it is established that the Russian Federation has issued the normative legal acts that contribute to the strengthening and unification of the Russian judicial system, uniformity of social guarantees and compensations set for judges. Currently, the judicial system of the Russian Federation is founded on the principle of combining administrative-territorial and district organization. It is determined that the judicial system of the Russian Federation consists of 1) the Constitutional Court of the Russian Federation; 2) the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation; 3) federal courts of general jurisdiction; 4) arbitration courts; 5) magistrates’ courts of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation. It is noted that since January 1, 2023, the Constitutional (statutory) courts of the constituent entities of the Russian Federation will be abolished.


2003 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 489-508 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jo Crotty

The stalling of civil society development within the Russian Federation and its attendant causes have been a focus of academic study since the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991. Alongside the emergence of a fragmented and chronically under-funded community of advocacy groups, the literature points to a rejection of democratic structures by the Russian populace and an absence of active civil engagement. Consequently, the international community has sought to bolster the growth and development of the Russian third sector by funding projects and organisations with a view to increasing public participation.Utilising research undertaken in Samara oblast of the Russian Federation, this paper examines the role played by overseas donor agencies within the Samara Environmental Movement (SEM). In examining both the quality and quantity of donor assistance received, it reveals a number of dysfunctions arising from this aid, and in particular, a lack of contextualization and mis-direction of the assistance offered vis-à-vis citizen participation, alongside other behavioural impacts of donor funding within the SEM itself.


Author(s):  
Vyacheslav Varganov

At the present stage of development of the Russian Federation, after the collapse of the Soviet Union, the ideological bonds of the people disappeared. In these conditions, the "well-wishers" of various stripes are persistently trying to fi ll the resulting vacuum. The people themselves and their leadership are also in search of a national idea that can unite all Russians into a single nation. One of the options for a possible new national idea, according to some scientists, is the so-called "civil religion". Is it suitable for the Russian society?


2021 ◽  
Vol 1 (8) ◽  
pp. 147-163
Author(s):  
D. V. GORDIENKO ◽  

The purpose of the study is to assess the impact of economic cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China on the economic relations of the countries of the strategic triangle Russia – China – the United States. An approach to the analysis of trade and investment cooperation between the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China, which determines the interdependence of the national economies of these countries, is proposed. This allows us to give a forecast of the development of economic relations between the countries of the strategic triangle. The results of the analysis can be used to justify recommendations to the leadership of our country. The conclusion is made: the Russian Federation and the People's Republic of China are important economic partners for each other.


Author(s):  
Svetlana Badina ◽  
Boris Porfiriev

A major implication of the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991 involved the radical transformation of the national security system. Its fundamentally militaristic paradigm focused on civil defense to prepare and protect communities against the strikes of conventional and nuclear warheads. It called for a more comprehensive and balanced civil protection policy oriented primarily to the communities’ and facilities’ preparedness and response to natural hazards impact and disasters. This change in policy was further catalyzed by the catastrophic results of the major disasters in the late 1980s, such as the Chernobyl nuclear power plant explosion of 1986 and the Armenian earthquake of 1988. As a result, in 1989, a specialized body was organized, the State Emergency Commission at the USSR Council of Ministers. A year later in the Russian Federation (at that time a part of the Soviet Union), an analogous commission was established. In 1991, it was reorganized into the State Committee for Civil Defense, Emergency Management, and Natural Disasters Response at the request of the president of the Russian Federation (EMERCOM). In 1994, this was replaced by the much more powerful Ministry of the Russian Federation for Civil Defense, Emergency Management, and Natural Disasters Response (which kept the abbreviation EMERCOM). In the early 21st century, this ministry is the key government body responsible for (a) development and implementation of the policy for civil defense and the regions’ protection from natural and technological hazards and disasters, and (b) leading and coordinating activities of the federal executive bodies in disaster policy areas within the Russian Federation’s Integrated State System for Emergency Prevention and Response (EPARIS). In addition, as well as in the former Soviet Union, the scientific and research organizations’ efforts to collect relevant data, monitor events, and conduct field and in-house studies to reduce the risk of disasters is crucially important. The nature of EPARIS is mainly a function of the geographic characteristics of the Russian Federation. These include the world’s largest national territory, which is vastly extended both longitudinally and latitudinally, a relatively populous Arctic region, large mountain systems, and other characteristics that create high diversity in the natural environment and combinations of natural hazards. Meanwhile, along with the natural conditions of significant size and a multiethnic composition of the population, distinctive features of a historical development path and institutional factors also contribute to diversity of settlement patterns, a high degree of economic development, and a level and quality of human life both within and between the regions of Russia. For instance, even within one of the region’s urbanized areas with a high-quality urban environment and developed socioeconomic institutions, neighboring communities exist with a traditional lifestyle and economic relations, primitive technological tools, and so on (e.g., indigenous small ethnic groups of the Russian North, Siberia, and the Far East). The massive spatial disparity of Russia creates different conditions for exposure and vulnerability of the regions to natural hazards’ impacts on communities and facilities, which has to be considered while preparing, responding to, and recovering from disasters. For this reason, EMERCOM’s organizational structure includes a central (federal) headquarters as well as Central, Northwestern, Siberian, Southern, and Moscow regional territorial branches and control centers for emergency management in all of the 85 administrative entities (subjects) of the Russian Federation. Specific features of both the EMERCOM territorial units and ministries and EPARIS as a whole coping with disasters are considered using the 2013 catastrophic flood in the Amur River basin in the Far East of Russia as a case study.


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