scholarly journals ¿Habeas Repraesentatio? Dilemas sobre la representación visual y narrativa de los sujetos de investigación en textos antropológicos

ILUMINURAS ◽  
2013 ◽  
Vol 14 (32) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sigifredo Leal Guerrero

En este trabajo reflexiono sobre los problemas asociados a la nominación y la representación visual y narrativa, tal como se me han presentado en dos investigaciones empíricamente distintas pero analíticamente emparentadas, y doy cuenta de los modos en los que los he enfrentado con soluciones que atienden al marco provisto por el campo, mi experiencia y el patrimonio intelectual que he tenido a disposición en cada momento. Le concedo especial atención al análisis de las condiciones particulares de cada referente empírico y a la participación en espacios académicos caracterizados por la reflexión explícita sobre ese tipo de problemas, como dos insumos fundamentales para la elaboración de respuestas que tomen en consideración sus múltiples dimensiones. Palabras clave: Representación. Nominación. Ética. Sexualidades. Violencia política.   ¿Habeas Repraesentatio? Dilemmas on representing visually an narratively the subjects of research in anthropological texts   Abstract   In this article I reflect on issues related to nomination and visual and narrative representation, as I have had to deal with them in two empirically different but analytically related research projects. I also describe the ways in which I have tackled these issues, developing solutions framed by the fieldwork conditions, my own experience, and the intellectual background I have been able to rely on, in each moment. I pay special attention to the analysis of the particular conditions of each empirical referent and to participation in academic encounters where explicit reflection on this type of issues played a central role, as two fundamental tools to elaborate answers that take multiple dimensions into consideration. Keywords: Representation. Nomination. Ethics. Sexualities. Political Violence.

2019 ◽  
pp. 115-130

Resumen.-El potencial de la violencia política y las formas específicas de sus manifestaciones en Colombia sólo pueden ser explicadas adecuadamente si se incluyen en el análisis la dimensión de la cultura del autoritarismo y sus características premodernas. Las causas de la violencia política pueden ser calificadas de múltiples: la destrucción del tejido social tradicional, la presión demográfica, las grandes migraciones internas, las expectativas de progreso individual, la debilidad de las instituciones y la democratización incompleta. Los movimientos guerrilleros se aprovecharon de estos factores, pero no supieron brindar a la población una alternativa moderna, realista y creíble. Palabras clave: autoritarismo, Colombia, conservadurismo, ELN, FARC, guerrillas, M-19. Premodern Political Cultural and Absence of Democracy. Colombia’s Violence as a Expression of the Traditional Environment Abstract.-The potential of political violence and the specific forms of its displays in Colombia cannot be duly analised without considering the dimension of the authoritarian culture and their premodern features. The causes of violence are many: the destruction of traditional social webs, demographic pressures, the frailty of institutions, the large intern migratory movements, and the uncompleted democratization process. Guerrilla movements derived profit from these factors, but they failed to exhibit a modern, realistic and plausible alternative for the population. Key words: authoritarianism, Colombia, conservatism, ELN, FARC, guerrilla, M-19.


Author(s):  
Ronald Edward Villamil Carvajal

El artículo aborda el análisis de una modalidad particular del fenómeno paramilitar en Colombia como son las prácticas paramilitares, comprendidas como la constitución de redes o alianzas criminales funcionales, cambiantes y coyunturales en la planeación, coordinación y perpetración de graves violaciones a los DDHH y al DIH. Se toma como epicentro del análisis el proceso de violencia política ocurrido entre los años 1982-1997 en el Alto Nordeste Antioqueño (conformado por los municipios de Remedios y Segovia), paradigmático de esta trayectoria particular del fenómeno paramilitar. La caracterización y análisis de las prácticas paramilitares amplían la comprensión acerca del proceso de conformación, expansión y consolidación de las estructuras paramilitares que se agruparon en la confederación de las Autodefensas Unidas de Colombia (AUC).Palabras Clave: Conflicto armado interno, Violencia política, Memoria histórica, Remedios y Segovia, Paramilitarismo ABSTRACTPARAMILITARY PRACTICES IN THE ALTO NORDESTE ANTIOQUEÑOThe article deals with the analysis of a particular modality of the paramilitary phenomenon in Colombia, such as paramilitary practices, including the constitution of functional, changing and conjunctural criminal networks or alliances in the planning, coordination and perpetration of serious violations of human rights and IHL . The epicenter of the analysis is the political violence that occurred between 1982 and 1997 in the Alto Nordeste Antioquioqueño (made up of the municipalities of Remedios and Segovia), paradigmatic of this particular trajectory of the paramilitary phenomenon. The characterization and analysis of paramilitary practices broaden the understanding of the process of conformation, expansion and consolidation of the paramilitary structures that were grouped in the confederation of the United Self-Defense Forces of Colombia (AUC).Key Words: Internal armed conflict, Political violence, Historical memory, Remedios and Segovia, Paramilitarism


1996 ◽  
Vol 1 (3) ◽  
pp. 11-21 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Moore

This note describes a study to discover the extent to which it would be possible to follow the respondents in a 1978/79 social survey in inner Liverpool. The follow up would be used to describe the ways in which peoples’ circumstances had changed in the intervening 17 years. It would also provide an opportunity to discover how the respondents themselves viewed the changes that had taken place in inner Liverpool (if that was where they still lived) and the extent to which they had realized the aspirations they expressed in 1978/79 (wherever they now lived). An additional benefit of the research was to ‘test the water’ for forthcoming policy related research in Liverpool. The results of the pilot study are clear and unambiguous: it was not possible to follow up the previous respondents. Reasons for this are believed to include changing attitudes towards giving information and to reservations about collaborating in research projects which in the context of inner city Liverpool are seen to have no benefits to local people. The prognosis for future survey-based research is poor. These findings are consistent with more anecdotal evidence from colleagues working elsewhere in inner city areas and in sharp contrast to similar work undertaken in the very different political climate of the 1970s.


Author(s):  
Beatriz Alonso

Resumen: Los medios de comunicación en Argelia, especialmente la prensa privada nacida en los albores de la guerra civil de los años noventa, han sido sometidos bajo el yugo de la violencia política desde casi sus orígenes, tanto por parte de las fuerzas represoras de la Administración como de los grupos armados (sean o no considerados terroristas). En un Estado autoritario como el argelino, los conflictos son exámenes potentes a los que se somete a la prensa, la cual puede ayudar a cimentar la democracia si se les permite a los profesionales trabajar. Una legislación que proteja el ejercicio periodístico es fundamental para garantizar la libertad de información.Palabras clave: Argelia, prensa, legislación, violencia política, autocensura, libertad.Abstract: Media in Algeria, especially the private press was born at the dawn of the civil war of the nineties, have been subdued under the yoke of political violence almost from its origins, by the repressive forces of the Administration and the armed groups, whether or not considered terrorists. In an authoritarian state like Algeria, conflicts are powerful tests. Press can help to found democracy if journalists could work effectively. A legislation to protect the practice of journalism is essential to ensure freedom of information.Keywords: Algeria, press, legislation, political violence, self-censorship, freedom.


2010 ◽  
Vol 5 (9) ◽  
pp. 128
Author(s):  
Alma Isunza Bizuet

En este artículo analizo la propuesta de cambio de paradigmas de las organizaciones burocráticas que busca mejorar la calidad de los servicios públicos ofrecidos a los ciudadanos. El paradigma posburocrático implica una corriente de cambio que cuestiona la figura del «servidor público» y concede mayor importancia a los empleados; se considera el peso y la importancia de las instituciones y su relación con las convenciones sociales que le imprimen una identidad característica a cada organización burocrática particular, por ello examino las aportaciones de la teoría sociológica para comprender la vinculación entre la acción social y las convenciones e instituciones sociales con el fin de documentar la importancia de las convenciones sociales sobre las que descansa el funcionamiento cotidiano de la burocracia, y proponer proyectos de investigación relacionados.   ABSTRACTThis paper analyses changes occurred within paradigms in bureaucratic organizations, aiming at proving the quality of the services offered to the citizens. The posbureaucratic paradigm implies a course change that questions from the own conception the figure of the «public servant» and grants the major importance to the employees, it considers the influence and the importance of the institutions and its relation with the social conventions that imprints a characteristic identity to each particular bureaucratic organization, for that reason the contributions of the sociological theory are examined to understand the entailment between the social action and the social conventions and institutions, to illustrate the importance of the social conventions on which the daily operation of the bureaucracy rests; in order to propose related research projects.


2018 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 107
Author(s):  
Ma. Teresa Schoof Aguirre ◽  
Eduardo Manzanares Medina ◽  
Miriam Grimaldo Muchotrigo

<p><em><strong>Español</strong></em></p><p>El objetivo de la presente investigación fue determinar la relación entre la red de soporte social y el apoyo comunitario en los miembros de una organización de personas desplazadas por violencia política. Para tal fin, el estudio descriptivo correlacional incluyó a 80 participantes (49 mujeres y 31 hombres) con una edad promedio de 45.79 años (DE = 11.41), quienes residían en una provincia de Lima y provenían, en su mayoría, del departamento de Ayacucho. Se les administró el Cuestionario de Red Social (SNQ) y el Cuestionario de Apoyo Comunitario Percibido (PCSQ). Entre los principales resultados, se encontró que el componente Integración y Participación Comunitaria del PCSQ correlaciona con dos funciones y dos categorías del SNQ. Se presenta asociación positiva estadísticamente significativa con la función guía cognitiva (rs = .32), la función socialización (rs = .24) y la categoría satisfacción (rs = .24) y asociación negativa y estadísticamente significativa con la categoría heterogeneidad (rs = -.23). Se discuten las implicancias de los presentes hallazgos.</p><p> </p><p><em><strong>English</strong></em></p><p>The present study’s aim was to determine the relationship between the social support network and community support among members of an organization of persons displaced by political violence. The correlational-descriptive research included 80 individuals (49 females and 31 males) with a mean age of 45.79 years old (SD = 11.41), who reside in a province of Lima and came, mostly, from the department of Ayacucho. Participants completed the Social Network Questionnaire (SNQ), as well as the Perceived Community Support Questionnaire (PCSQ). Among the main findings, we found that the Integration component and Community Participation from the PCSQ correlate with two functions and two categories from the SNQ. Specifically there is a statistically significant positive association with the Cognitive Guide function (rs = .32), the Socialization function (rs = .24) and the Satisfaction category (rs = .24); and a statistically significant negative association with the Heterogeneity category (rs = -.23). Implications of the results obtained will be discussed in the present paper.</p>


2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rohit Gummi ◽  
Ross Smith ◽  
Raghav Govindarajan

Abstract Background: SIGN chapters across the country provide opportunities for medical students to participate in clinical, research, and service activities in neurology. Despite these, enrollment in SIGN chapters has been traditionally low.Methods: Following changes were introduced: an open board style SIGN chapter executive committee with greater active engagement of first and second year students, new types SIGN chapter activities including journal club articles, hands on workshop (example EMG), celebration/cause events (example ALS walk). In addition, a free neurology clinic was introduced. Activities were planned in consultation with office of medical education, and were organized during ‘down times’. Data on student enrollment, activities successfully carried out, students interested in neurology residency, number of neurology-related research projects with student involvement were collected prior to changes and compared to values after changes were introduced.Results: Post intervention, student engagement in neurology activities and projects increased significantly. There were also significantly more students engaged in neurology related research projects and significantly more students reported interest in neurology. However, a similar increase in applications to neurology residency was not yet observed.Conclusions: An open chapter with early engagement and involvement of first and second year medical students, creating a variety of chapter activities with greater hands on involvement, planned in conjunction with office of medical education has reinvigorated our SIGN chapter.


Author(s):  
Kaisa Pihlainen ◽  
Eija Kärnä ◽  
Teija Koskela ◽  
Markku Tukiainen

2019 ◽  
Vol 11 (20) ◽  
pp. 5570 ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniela De Filippo ◽  
Leyla Angélica Sandoval-Hamón ◽  
Fernando Casani ◽  
Elías Sanz-Casado

For its scope and the breadth of its available resources, the university system is one of the keys to implementing and propagating policies, with sustainability policies being among them. Building on sustainability performance in universities, this study aimed to: Identify the procedures deployed by universities to measure sustainability; detect the strengths and weaknesses of the Spanish university system (SUS) sustainability practice; analyse the SUS contributions to sustainability-related Research, Development and Innovation (R&D+I); and assess the efficacy of such practices and procedures as reported in the literature. The indicators of scientific activity were defined by applying scientometric techniques to analyse the journal (Web of Science) and European project (CORDIS) databases, along with reports issued by national institutions. The findings showed that measuring sustainability in the SUS is a very recent endeavour and that one of the strengths is the university community’s engagement with the ideal. Nonetheless, high performance is still elusive in most of the items analysed. Whereas universities account for nearly 90 % of the Spanish papers published in the WoS subject category, Green and Sustainable Science and Technology, their contribution to research projects is meagre. A divide still exists in the SUS between policies and results, although the gap has been narrowing in recent years.


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