scholarly journals Intellectuals and political discourse of resistance (sketches of Russian culture)

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 ◽  
pp. 80-89
Author(s):  
Aleksandr Skiperskikh ◽  

In the article, the author shows how the government and the opposition interact in the political process. Actors representing opposition constantly produce political texts illustrating their alternative views. The existence of the opposition subject in a critical state in regards to the existing institutions of power is historically predetermined, which proves an active reflection from prominent theorists of political thought. A free dialogue of the government and the opposition is hardly possible in every single political system. In the case of totalitarian and authoritarian regimes, this dialogue may be difficult. The consequences of free will for the subject of opposition can be quite severe. The author analyzes the political discourse of opposition as exemplified by the Soviet culture. The author is interested in the metaphors of opposition and their political context, which seems to be an inevitable condition and framework limiting creativity of one or another intellectual. The author studies a number of texts of the Soviet culture representatives, who used metaphors of opposition, and had a reputation of troublemakers. Such position of an intellectual generates sanctions of the repressive machine and predetermines very specific forms of presenting texts of opposition and apophasis. For convincing his own arguments, the author constantly turns to the heritage of the USSR representatives of unofficial culture in.

Upravlenie ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 139-146
Author(s):  
V. V. Tyan

The problem of the evolution of power as an indicator of structural transformations has been considered. An analysis of Russian practice allows us to draw a number of conclusions of interest to political science. A retrospective analysis of the evolution of power types provides additional knowledge about the political process and reveals an important political and managerial aspect for this study. Attention has been focused on the structural transformation of the current government.The interdependence of the subject of power and the object of power determines their interaction. It can be different (conflict, consensus, close) and characteristic of a certain type of political system (absolute and constitutional monarchy, presidential and parliamentary, presidential-parliamentary, confederative, federal republic). Monarchist rule with elements of coercion is doomed to conflict interaction, which predetermined the half-heartedness of all reforms in the Russian Empire. The traditional legitimization of power did not contribute to the improvement of interaction. Soviet rule, effective in mobilizing society, with real achievements, did not escape a critical number of negative indexes. Almost one hundred percent legitimization of the Soviet government did not remove doubts about its strength. The democratic legitimization of power requires it to implement a program of transformations in the system of power and society. The evolution of power is an accurate indicator of transformations in society. Political structuring remains the prerogative of the current government. Difficulties in the implementation of the program force the government to shift attention to maintaining stability in society.A well-structured power is a condition for its effective functioning. The efficiency of power (fighting corruption, ensuring of Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth, solving social problems, etc.) is due to its ability to respond adequately to challenges and find consensus in decision-making in political turbulence.


1963 ◽  
Vol 57 (2) ◽  
pp. 378-391 ◽  
Author(s):  
Henry S. Albinski

“… [M]ost Canadians who are aware of the subject,” says the author of a recent essay, “feel that the [Canadian] Senate has outlived its usefulness and has become a superfluous appendix to the political system. Indeed, the prestige and authority of the Senate has probably fallen to its lowest level in Canadian history.” Considering the disparagements which have been tossed at the Senate, the allusions to “… genial old gentlemen who … live on, undisturbed, meeting a few weeks in the year, bumbling and grumbling at the government, making a few good speeches, and drawing an annual indemnity [now $10,000] for less work than any other citizens of Canada,” this was a restrained indictment. Nevertheless, in 1961 and early 1962, the Senate was also being extolled in some quarters as the keeper of Canada's conscience. Yet others saw it as a crafty player of rank politics and as an infringer on constitutional propriety. The Prime Minister threatened Senate reform and the injection of Senate misbehavior as an election issue. The Senate had seemingly come to life, and in so doing thrust itself into the center of Canadian political controversy. The purpose of this article is to examine the problems surrounding the position of the Senate in the Canadian political system, through an analysis of the agitated discussions of 1961-62.


2002 ◽  
Vol 56 (4) ◽  
pp. 861-887 ◽  
Author(s):  
J. Lawrence Broz

Central bank independence (CBI) and fixed exchange rates are alternative monetary commitments that differ in transparency. While CBI is opaque and difficult to monitor, a commitment to a fixed exchange rate is easily observed. Political systems also vary in terms of transparency. I argue that the transparency of monetary commitments and the transparency of political systems are substitutes. Where political decision making is opaque (autocracies), governments must look to a commitment that is more transparent and constrained (fixed exchange rates) than the government itself. The transparency of the monetary commitment substitutes for the transparency of the political system to engender low inflation. Where the political process is transparent (democracies), a formal commitment to CBI can produce lower inflation because private agents and the political opposition are free to detect and punish government interference with the central bank. Statistical results indicate that (1) autocracies are more likely to adopt exchange-rate pegs than democracies, and (2) CBI is effective in limiting inflation in nations with high levels of political transparency.


1982 ◽  
Vol 13 (2) ◽  
pp. 270-278 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohd. A. Nawawi

Like most developing countries, the Philippines before the imposition of martial law towards the end of 1972 was characterized by the fact that the majority of her population, living in the small towns and the countryside, were actually peripheral to the national polity. The political process was largely concerned with the intra-elite conflicts and manoeuvrings. As the government did not derive the bulk of its revenue from the income and resources of the mass of the citizenry, the political system functioned mainly as a giant system of patronage.


2009 ◽  
pp. 79-94
Author(s):  
Recio Glicerio Sánchez ◽  
Calero Francisco Sevillano

- This article examines the public denunciation of political life in Spain during the second period of the long years of PSOE government, presided over by Felipe González from 1982 to 1996. During those years, with a consolidated democracy in place, the main opposition party, the conservative PP, called on the socialist leaders to deal with the corruption among those holding political office - particularly from the beginning of 1989. Not only did the denunciation of the various cases of corruption and of the "dirty war" against ETA terrorism occupy the political agenda as a means of challeng-ing and discrediting the government, but it also led to a "corrosion" of the political discourse that had characterized the democratic transition in Spain. With regard to these events in recent political life in Spain, the article emphasizes that political scandal is a slightly different phenomenon from corruption, understood as an abuse of the law that undermines the political system.


2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 346
Author(s):  
Lyudmila G. Titova ◽  
Anna V. Uryadova ◽  
Sergey A. Baburkin

The article deals with the issues of modern Russian political discourse - the interaction of power and society, political communication, the influence of power through the spoken and written word on the mass consciousness. The significance of the problem in modern society is associated with the expansion of the political space through multi-sided political communication, the introduction of new subjects in the political polylogue, the dissemination of information flows that are exchanged by participants in the political process and which are not always adequately perceived and processed by them, which creates opportunities for purposeful management of people's behavior. In Russian political practice, this has been noted in various forms of controlled protest. Media texts, the interpretation of written texts in their variety of genres, the ability to persuade in oral speeches, the use of political terms, informal words and expressions, slang, depending on the audience and the goals set by the speakers, are becoming more and more common forms of influence. Modern political discourse is shown as existing outside of the moral requirements and restrictions imposed by the authorities, who pursue the main goal of self - preservation and self-restraint, and use all methods of manipulation for this purpose, creating a pseudo-reality. This is especially significant in times of political crises, when power structures and leaders begin to reveal their failure, inability to make adequate political decisions, compensating them with various technologies of zombie population. Channels of influence are the media, which in the conditions of the information society turn into another power institution. Manipulative influence of the word can be neutralized in the dialogue between the government and society, which implies a high level of political culture of the elite and citizens.


Author(s):  
Aleksandr Vladimirovich Skiperskikh

The author makes an attempt to deconstruct political space on the example of modern Russia. The object of this research is the political space of modern Russia as one political whole. The subject of this research is the disposition of “top” and “bottom” in the political space of modern Russia. Albeit a unified whole, the political space in fact is a sum of contradictory and balancing oppositions. The presence of power enhances social conflict, and actualizes political process. The author proves this thesis, referring to numerous examples from the Russian politics. The main conclusion lies in giving a new perspective on the political space as highly hierarchical. The political space is regulated from the top, which suggests the presence of specific rules of the game therein. Such rules establish the resource disposition of the political actors. The government becomes detached from society more and more. Political space in Russia has its clear “top” and “bottom”. The formation of “top” and “bottom” has historical and cultural grounds, which are used by the government to justify their supreme position. Legitimation of power suggest approval of the already existing hierarchy of power. The scientific novelty lies in viewing the political process in modern Russia through the prism of “top” and “bottom”, which are in the irreconcilable conflict.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (10) ◽  
pp. 101
Author(s):  
Emad Wakaa Ajil

Iraq is one of the most Arab countries where the system of government has undergone major political transformations and violent events since the emergence of the modern Iraqi state in 1921 and up to the present. It began with the monarchy and the transformation of the regime into the republican system in 1958. In the republican system, Continued until 2003, and after the US occupation of Iraq in 2003, the regime changed from presidential to parliamentary system, and the parliamentary experience is a modern experience for Iraq, as he lived for a long time without parliamentary experience, what existed before 2003, can not be a parliamentary experience , The experience righteousness The study of the parliamentary system in particular and the political process in general has not been easy, because it is a complex and complex process that concerns the political system and its internal and external environment, both of which are influential in the political system and thus on the political process as a whole, After the US occupation of Iraq, the United States intervened to establish a permanent constitution for the country. Despite all the circumstances accompanying the drafting of the constitution, it is the first constitution to be drafted by an elected Constituent Assembly. The Iraqi Constitution adopted the parliamentary system of government and approved the principle of flexible separation of powers in order to achieve cooperation and balance between the authorities.


2017 ◽  
pp. 110-127 ◽  
Author(s):  
Elżbieta Kużelewska

This article analyses the impact of constitutional referendums on the political system in Italy. There were three constitutional referendums conducted in 2001, 2006 and 2016. All of them have been organised by the ruling parties, however, only the first one was successful. In the subsequent referendums, the proposals for amending the constitution have been rejected by voters. The article finds that lack of public support for the government resulted in voting „no” in the referendum.


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


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