scholarly journals European military naval industry: From fragmentation to Europenization?

2019 ◽  
Vol 71 (3) ◽  
pp. 361-386
Author(s):  
Dejana Vukasovic
Keyword(s):  
Military Operations ◽  
Member States ◽  
Military Industry ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Military Equipment ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
The Military ◽  
Industry Sectors ◽  
The Eu

The paper analyzes the development and perspectives of the European military naval industry. Since the EU is increasingly engaged in maritime military operations in the framework of the Common Security and Defense Policy (CSDP), this field of industry is becoming increasingly important for the functioning of the EU as a strategic actor. Like other military industry sectors (military aeronautics and electronics, land industry), the naval military industry has undergone significant changes since the Cold War and the process of ?banalization? that has affected it. The purpose of this paper is to answer the question to what extent this field of industry is ?Europeanized?, i.e., whether we can discuss about the ?banalization? of the European naval industry, and what consequences these processes have on the national sovereignty of the EU Member States. In order to answer these questions, the paper will first consider the process of ?banalization? of the European military industry. Then, the analysis will focus on the naval military industry sector. The author highlights the fragmentation of this industry and its ?national capture?. Finally, in the third part of the paper, the perspectives of the development of this industry are discussed. It is argued that the European naval military industry is not yet ?Europeanized? and that EU member states continue to favor national producers. However, in the light of new initiatives implemented in the field of development of the EU military equipment market, the military industry as a whole, and therefore the naval military industry, is moving towards increasing homogenization and Europeanization.

ASYLUM PROCEDURE IN LATVIA - A PART OF COMMON EUROPEAN ASYLUM SYSTEM

2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (7) ◽  
pp. 7
Author(s):  
Iveta Adijāne
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Method ◽  
Time Frame ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Countries ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Common European Asylum System ◽  
The Common ◽  
Asylum Procedure ◽  
Domain Information ◽  
The Eu

The Common European Asylum System (CEAS) conditions apply to Latvia. Development of the Common European Asylum System impacts Latvian legislation and has an effect on the work of judicial institutions. Any European Union scale change affects Latvia. Common European Asylum System conditions in Latvia are being met by direct implementation of the EU instructions. Well-considered position and evaluation of CEAS conditions according to Latvian interests is necessary. Goal of this article is to review demands of the Common European Asylum System towards the member states as well as concordance of the Latvian asylum procedure with conditions of the Common European Asylum System. Objectives of this research is to examine development of legislation in the EU and Latvia, to analyse and compare current legislation of the asylum procedure in the EU member states as well as to analyse impact of CEAS towards the asylum procedure in Latvia. In order to achieve objectives, following research methods were used: monographic research of theoretical and empirical sources in order to analyse and evaluate various asylum domain information, analytical method in order to acquire legislative content and verities, comparative method in order to discover differences in legislation of asylum procedure in the EU countries, systemic method in order to disclose interconnections in legislation, descriptive statistics method and correlation analysis in order to analyse process of the asylum procedure and determine interconnections in the asylum procedure time frame between legislation and practical instances in EU countries.

scholarly journals Regulation of the food waste measuring in the EU in the light of the need of counteracting the food wastage

2019 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Sylwia Łaba ◽  
Mikołaj Niedek ◽  
Krystian Szczepański ◽  
Robert Łaba ◽  
Anna Kamińska-Dwórznicka
Keyword(s):  
Food Waste ◽  
Current Data ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Uniform System ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Common ◽  
Different Characteristics ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The paper presents the analysis of the guidelines of the European Union, adopted in May, 2019, on the common methodology and quality requirements for the uniform system of measuring the food waste levels in the EU Member States. The Waste Framework Directive obliges the Member States to monitor the generation of food waste and to take measures to limit their production; however, a lack of uniform, reliable method for measuring the food waste levels in the EU causes that it is difficult to evaluate the scale of the problem, its sources and the related tendencies in time. The food waste is generated across the whole food supply chain; so, it is especially troublesome to determine the level of the discussed waste. The food waste with different characteristics, different source and different reasons for its generation is produced in each stage of the chain. The current data on the food wastes do not specify their quantities. In connection with this fact, a separate legal act was developed, that is, the Commission Delegated Decision (EU) dated 3 May 2019, focusing on the measuring of food waste, which is harmonized with the existing systems of data collection and provides a framework for further measures of the Member States in respect of the quantitative determination of the food waste that is generated.

scholarly journals Polish Education After the EU Accession

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 26-32
Author(s):  
Eugeniusz Suwiński
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Education System ◽  
Compulsory Education ◽  
Teaching Profession ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Accession Process ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Eu

Abstract The aim of the paper is to present changes undergone by the Polish education system after the accession to the European Union. In the article the changes are collated together with the main and distinctive trends which had existed in Europe before the accession and the ones that were introduced subsequently. The article shows that the tendency to unify the member states’ education systems is non-existent in the European Union. It also points out that the importance attached to education by the EU member states has not been as considerable as the importance given to economy. The paper is divided into two main parts. The main objective of the first part is to describe the decision-making process in the member states (as far as the common education policy is concerned) and its result, which was the report stating that education was considered to be a peculiar area of social politics and as such required separate arrangements and decisions. Therefore, there are neither specific procedures nor integration requirements for the associated and associating countries. However, as far as Poland is concerned, during the accession process the country was obliged to meet the expected standards, in particular the standards in the reform of the education structure and curriculum. The second part of the paper comprises the analysis of Polish activity in the following fields: –– lowering the age of the compulsory education commencement, –– reforming the structure of the education system and curriculum, –– practising teaching profession. The article further elaborates at length on the significant factor in the process of democratization of education, which is parents’ involvement in the functioning of a school.

scholarly journals The European Union and China Foreign Direct Investment Cooperation in the Context of the Belt and Road Initiative

2020 ◽  
pp. 76-93
Author(s):  
D. Potapov
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
The Common ◽  
National Governments ◽  
The Belt And Road ◽  
The Eu

The article analyses the foreign direct investment cooperation between the European Union and the People’s Republic of China under the Belt and Road Initiative. The initiative is proposed by China and is aimed at developing cross-regional transport and logistics infrastructure connecting China with South-East, South and Central Asia, the Middle East, East Africa and Europe. The author examines the history of the initiative and its assessments by international organizations (e.g. the World Bank and the ESCAP UN) and investigates the structure and statistics of the EU-China investment relations, basing on the examples of the most important China’s investment partners (including France, Italy, Germany and the Vishegrad Group countries). The discrepancy between the conditions for the EU and the Chinese investors is highlighted. The author defines and characterizes the major models of the Belt and Road projects’ development, which are used by China in cooperation with the EU Member States. The EU investors in China face restrictions imposed by the national regulation of foreign investments. In particular, the external investors do not have access to the sectors crucially important for national interest and security (e.g. high-tech sectors and mass media). At the same time, Chinese investors’ access to the EU financial markets is not limited, allowing them to become important shareholders in the EU companies and to transfer technologies. It raises concerns within national governments and the European Union itself. The national governments are establishing and adopting screening mechanisms for foreign direct investments and additional regulations to control important sectors and enterprises. At the same time, the EU Member States are developing a common view on the prospects and mechanisms of cooperation with China under the Belt and Road initiative. The EU countries have not yet reached a consensus upon the Belt and Road initiative and the prospects of the EU participation in it, so the author focuses on the strategies of the examined countries. Germany is calling for a common position for all the EU member states and advocates for using the EU-based mechanisms and platforms for cooperation with China. Such demands are also connected with the promotion of a common EU investment screening mechanism in order to protect the Member States’ interests and security. Italy is deepening its cooperation with China through bilateral mechanisms, mainly based on a memorandum of understanding with China on the Belt and Road initiative. France, on the one hand, shares the common interest with Germany regarding the need for the common EU policy towards the Chinese initiative, but on the other hand, the country is deploying new projects with China. The Visegrad Group states are forging their ties with China through bilateral and multilateral cooperation mechanisms and they are interested in the growth of Chinese investment inflows. This undermines the unanimity of policy towards China and the Belt and Road.

Visa Policy in the European Union

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jelena Dzankic
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Information Exchange ◽  
Strong Impact ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Gradual Evolution ◽  
The Common ◽  
Visa Policy ◽  
The Eu

Most European Union (EU) Member States participate in the common visa regime, even though there is no common visa policy applicable to all of them. The visa policy explored here covers the Schengen Area (including EU Member States and other countries, as well as EU countries that are still outside the Schengen). The Schengen Area does not include two EU Member States—the United Kingdom (UK) and Ireland—that have opted out from the EU’s visa policies and operate a common travel area between them. Furthermore, the common visa policy in the EU is related to the issuance of short-term visas, while visas of longer duration and residence permits remain in the national domain. Against this background, the visa policy of the EU has four relevant aspects. First, the gradual evolution of the Schengen Area has been driven not only by political developments within the EU and its Member States, but also by broader global developments (e.g., the fall of communism). Second, the consolidation of the internal and external aspects of the visa policy in the EU took place through the growth of the Schengen acquis. Third, visa liberalization has become one of the most powerful tools for policy diffusion beyond the EU’s borders. Finally, securitization of migration has had a strong impact on the EU’s visa policy, particularly in the domains of information exchange and police cooperation.

scholarly journals Euroscepticism 's Impact upon European Union's Foreing Policy

2020 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 8-14
Author(s):  
Maryna Yakymchuk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Security Policy ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
External Action ◽  
The United States ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

In the article, the author overviews and analyzes the impact of Euroscepticism on EU foreign policy. In particular, we identify the key actors involved in implementing the European common foreign policy and level of their affiliation with the ideas of Euroscepticism. EU Commissioners, the High Representative of the Union for Foreign Affairs and Security Policy and the staff of the European External Action Service are not eurosceptic. However, they do not have sufficient political influence decision making process. Thus, the European Council faces some obstacles achieving a compromise on international relations' issues. The European Parliament is more dependent on the Member States. Positions of the Member States are also different. The countries of Central and Eastern Europe have a much higher level of opposition to strengthening internal integration in foreign policy, but they support EU enlargement. The Nordic countries support the deepening of foreign policy cooperation but are wary of the accession of new members. Therefore, the biggest opposition to the common foreign policy observed in the EU member states. Under the influence of Eurosceptic ideas, they slow down the process of integration. The population supports the common foreign policy with hopes to resolve the migration problem. Besides, citizens believe that common foreign policy can prevent the economic intervention of third countries. Excessive interference in the EU by Russia, China and the United States is also an obstacle to deepening integration. Despite this, European officials and citizens of EU member states support of strengthening cooperation in this area. To sum up, it is difficult to realise a common foreign policy without decreasing level of eurosceptism.

scholarly journals German cooperation with the EU and NATO member states in defence strengthening: Northern and Central European dimensions

2020 ◽  
pp. 170-202
Author(s):  
Philipp Trunov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Armed Forces ◽  
German Foreign Policy ◽  
General Tendency ◽  
Member States ◽  
Central European ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
World Power ◽  
Internal Policy ◽  
The Military ◽  
The Eu

The key basis of German foreign policy is positioning itself as an integral part of Euro-Atlantic community. At the beginning of the 2020-s Germany faces a growing number of obstacles at the national (internal policy), regional but also global levels on the path to become the supreme world power. That is why the more active and full-scale participation of the European NATO and EU member states in joint strengthening of defense capabilities is coming to the fore. The goal of the article is to explore the dynamics and intermediate results of German efforts in this field. Attention is paid not only to general, but also to sugregional and bilateral links of German cooperation with partners in military sphere. The article highlights the features of German participation in the launching and development of potential of Permanent Structured Cooperation (PESCO) platform. The paper notes that the number of functional PESCO projects with German participation is more than technical-technological ones. The author faces the fact that the number of new projects initiated by or with the participation of Germany since 2019 has become less than in 2017–2018 but at the same time the general tendency of their development is different. Outside PESCO Berlin pays permanent attention to the strengthening of defense capabilities on bilateral and trilateral bases. The cases of Norway and PESCO demonstrate that Germany is interested in the creation of common military-logistic hubs network in Europe and the growing of armed forces` mobility. This is important for Germany, because its armed forces have been reduced since 1990-s until the 2010-s. The prospects of Berlin`s cooperation with Scandinavian states and Germanspeaking Austria and Switzerland in the military field are also highlighted in the article.

scholarly journals Anti-terrorist measures within European neighborhood policy

2009 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 427-454
Author(s):  
Branislav Radeljic
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
The European Union ◽  
European Security ◽  
Security Strategy ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
European Neighborhood Policy ◽  
The Cold War ◽  
European Security Strategy ◽  
The Eu

The end of the Cold War brought a period of stability and safety, which gave an additional stimulus to the European Union to play a key role in the international security arena. However, due to the potential risk of importing instability, the European Council adopted the European Security Strategy in 2003 under the title A Secure Europe in a Better World, the first strategic vision of the Member States. The European Neighborhood Policy is designed to avoid new dividing lines between the enlarged EU and its neighbors to the east and on the southern and eastern shores of Mediterranean. Accordingly, tackling the issue of terrorism in terms of the new ENP has appeared to be a vital synergic component linking the EU member states and its partners. This paper considers the potential of the ENP to constitute as an instrument for the fight against terrorism engaging joint participation of the European Union and its neighboring region. .

Part II The Notion of State Aid, 5 Distortion of Competition and Effect on Trade between EU Member States

2016 ◽  
Author(s):  
Kreuschitz Viktor ◽  
Nehl Hanns Peter
Keyword(s):  
Member State ◽  
Case Law ◽  
State Aid ◽  
Member States ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
Common Trend ◽  
State Measure ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

This chapter discusses the distortion of competition and the effect on inter-Member State trade conditions. Article 107(1) TFEU provides that State aid is prohibited if two complementary conditions are fulfilled, namely if the State measure in issue distorts or threatens to distort competition and affects trade between Member States. The common trend within the EU Courts' case law is that no actual assessment of these criteria is required. In order to establish that competition is distorted and trade between Member States affected, it is not necessary to define the market or to carry out a thorough investigation as regards the impact that the contested measure might have upon the economic operators involved. All that matters is whether an advantage is granted to a market operator, at the detriment of another which will, as a matter of fact, encroach upon the good functioning of competition and trade between Member States.

COVID Pandemic and its Influence as Fragmentation of EU Market and Security

2020 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 193-198
Author(s):  
Nikolay Marin
Keyword(s):  
Economic Effects ◽  
Common Market ◽  
Free Movement ◽  
Health Economy ◽  
Member States ◽  
Internal Security ◽  
Eu Member States ◽  
The Common ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu

AbstractThe prevalence of the COVID 19 virus from an epidemic evolved into a pandemic and that was proclaimed by the WHO. Managing health problems has inherently come in a direct connection with a range of systems and industries such as health, economy, and national security. The measures that are taken to curb the virus have had an extremely adverse effect on the EU and its Member States, which are among the most affected ones. Achievements such as the common market and internal security that are built on the free movement of the four freedoms are limited for the first time in a way that affects the whole Union and its Member States. In most of the EU Member States state of emergency is established and the governments apply restrictive measures. The article examines the impact of the health problem and the achievements of the common market and concludes further normalization of free movement in the EU. The economic effects of the COVID pandemic will prevent emerging countries from providing key services. This will lead to trust undermining in government and internal security challenges.

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