scholarly journals Despot Stefan and Byzantium

2006 ◽  
pp. 31-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jovanka Kalic
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Byzantine Empire ◽  
The West ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
15Th Century ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
Imperial Court ◽  
The Relationship

The topic of this paper is one aspect of the relationship between Serbia and Byzantium at the beginning of the 15th Century, during the so-called "despot period" of the reign of Stefan Lazarevic (1402-1427), namely the fate of the Byzantine title of Despots' in Serbia against the background of the political situation in the Balkans at the time of Turkish domination. Knez Stefan (1377-1427), Knez Lazar's son, received the title of Despotes according to the procedure long ago established at the Byzantine Court. In Byzantium, this title, which was second in rank only to the title of the Emperor, used to be endowed to the relatives of the imperial dynasty, it was not hereditary and did not depend on the territory ruled by the bearer of the title. It was a personal court title of the highest rank in Byzantium. This honor was bestowed upon the young Knez Stefan in summer of 1402 after his return from the battlefield of Angora (Ankara), where Sultan Beyazid I suffered a disastrous defeat from the hands of the Tatars. The Serbian Knez was solemnly received in Constantinople, a marriage between himself and a sister of the Byzantine Empress was arranged and John VII Palaeologus, the co-regent of the then-absent Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus, endowed him with the title of Despotes. Knez Stefan carried this title till the end of his life. It was held in great honors in Serbia and was broadened in meaning to designate a ruler's title in general, remaining alive among the Serbs even after the fall of the Byzantine Empire. Stefan Lazarevic received the dignity of a Despotes once more, in 1410 in Constantinople. All this notwithstanding, the political situation in the South-East of Europe at the beginning of the 15th Century was all but favorable. Some Christian states were conquered by the Turks (Bulgaria), some were vassals of the Sultan (Byzantium, Serbia). Everything depended on the Ottomans. At the time of dynastic conflicts in the Turkish Empire (1403-1413) as well as afterwards, the political interests of Byzantium and Serbia were different, even at times contrary. What they had in common was the attempt to find allies in the West, especially among the countries which had an interest to fight against the Turks, so an initiative was raised to form a Christian League to that effect. Despot Stefan, in his capacity as a vassal of the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg, took part in the negotiations the Byzantine Emperor John VIII Palaelogus held in Buda with his host (1424). This was the last meeting of the Serbian Despotes with the Byzantine Emperor. The title of Despotes had changed with respect to the Byzantine norms. Despot Stefan became the Despotes of the Kingdom of Rascia (Raska), as the Kingdom of Serbia was called in the West. The personal title of the Byzantine Imperial Court was thus transformed in accordance with the non-Byzantine traditions of the Serbian political ideology. .

scholarly journals Pengaruh Kontestasi Politik Desa terhadap Konflik Ahmadiyah di Gegerung-Lombok Barat

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Mohamad Baihaqi
Keyword(s):  
Descriptive Analysis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Religious Leaders ◽  
Analysis Method ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The Village ◽  
The Relationship

Penyerangan terhadap Jemaat Ahmadiyah di Gegerung-Lombok terjadi pada 2005-2006 dan 2010. Pada tahun itu kontestasi pemilihan kepala desa bakal dilaksanakan. Beberapa bulan menjelang pemilihan kepala desa, salah satu tokoh agama kerap menyampaikan ceramah yang bernada provokatif. Belakangan diketahui bahwa tokoh agama tersebut berafiliasi dengan salah satu kontestan calon kepala desa. Penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa konflik dan kekerasan terhadap Jemaat Ahmadiyah di Gegerung terjadi secara instrumental yang disebabkan oleh adanya kepentingan politik tokoh agama dan salah satu kandidat dalam pemilihan kepala desa setempat. Sekaligus menunjukkan bahwa konflik dan kekerasan terhadap Jemaat Ahmadiyah tidak hanya disebabkan oleh faktor perbedaan keyakinan antara Jemaat Ahmadiyah dan warga Desa Gegerung-Lombok Barat. Bukan pula terjadi semata karena adanya fatwa MUI dan peraturan diskriminatif bupati Lombok Barat. Keduanya tidak berhubungan secara langsung sebagai pemicu konflik dan kekerasan. Konflik dan kekerasan terhadap Ahmadiyah di Desa Gegerung justru terjadi karena adanya campur tangan politisi dan tokoh agama di yang menjadikan perbedaan sebagai komoditas politik.[The attack on the Jemaah Ahmadiyah in Gegerung-Lombok occurred in 2005-2006 and 2010 in conjunction with the contestation for the headman election. A few months before the village headman election, one of the religious leaders often delivered provocative lectures. It was later discovered that this religious figure was affiliated with one of the village head candidate contestants. This research focuses on whether there is a relationship between the political situation in Gegerung Village and the presence of the Jemaah Ahmadiyah? Does this relationship have a correlation with conflict and violence? Using the descriptive analysis method, this research aims to reveal the relationship between the potential situation of Gegerung Village and the existence of the Jemaah Ahmadiyah and its correlation with conflict and violence. The results showed that the conflict and violence against the Jemaah Ahmadiyah in Gegerung occurred instrumentally due to the political interests of religious leaders and one of the candidates in the local village head election. In addition, the researcher also found that the conflict and violence against the Jemaah Ahmadiyah was not only caused by factors of differences in beliefs between the Ahmadiyah congregation and residents of Gegerung Village-West Lombok, nor was it simply due to the MUI fatwa and the discriminatory regulations of the West Lombok Regent. Both are not directly related as triggers of conflict and violence. The conflict and violence against Ahmadiyah in Gegerung Village actually occurred because of the interference of politicians and religious figures who made differences as a political commodity.]

The Many Empresses of the Byzantine Court (and All Their Attendants)

2013 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Herrin
Keyword(s):  
Civil Wars ◽  
Political Ideology ◽  
The Political ◽  
Byzantine Empire ◽  
Imperial Court ◽  
Two Factors ◽  
Court Life ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Church

This chapter considers moments when the Byzantine court appeared to contain many empresses. In the political ideology of the Byzantine Empire, there was place for only one ruler, the emperor “crowned by God” and blessed by the church, who united all his subjects within the known world, oikoumene. And while many conflicts and civil wars were fought over the succession, once an emperor had been crowned in Constantinople his authority was greatly enhanced over the imperial court as well as his uncrowned rivals. As the structures of imperial court life evolved, two factors materialized into greater significance: the presence of an empress, usually the emperor's wife, became essential to court rituals; and an empress had to take charge of the female sector of the court. When two women were elevated to the same position of empress, it was necessary for one to be designated as the official holder of the title, which could provoke immense rivalry.

‘There shall be no musical servitude’: Towards a Multitudinous Shostakovich in the West

2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-505
Author(s):  
EIRINI DIAMANTOULI
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Musical Style ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Views ◽  
Political Interests ◽  
The One ◽  
The Cold War

Ideologically motivated attempts to elucidate Shostakovich’s political views and to determine whether and how they may be coded into his compositions have come to characterize the Western reception of the composer’s works since his death in 1975. Fuelled by the political oppositions of the cold war, Shostakovich’s posthumous reputation in the West has been largely shaped by two conflicting perspectives. These have positioned him on the one hand as a secret dissident, bent and broken under the unbearable strain of totalitarianism, made heroic through his veiled musical resistance to Communism; and on the other hand as a composer compromised by his capitulation to the regime – represented in an anachronistic musical style. Both perspectives surrender Shostakovich and his music to a crude oversimplification driven by vested political interests. Western listeners thus conditioned are primed to hear either the coded dissidence of a tragic victim of Communist brutality or the sinister submission of a ‘loyal son of the Communist Party’.1 For those prepared to accept Shostakovich as a ‘tragic victim’, the publication of his purported memoirs in 1979, ‘as related to and edited by’ the author Solomon Volkov, presents a tantalizing conclusion: bitterly yet discreetly scornful of the Stalinist regime, Shostakovich was indeed a secret dissident and this dissidence was made tangible in his music.

scholarly journals Guilds, Social Mobility and Status in Sixteenth-Century Ghent

1998 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Dambruyne
Keyword(s):  
Sixteenth Century ◽  
Social Mobility ◽  
Upward Mobility ◽  
Social Promotion ◽  
Social Position ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Democratic Character ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
The City

This article investigates the relationship between social mobility and status in guilds and the political situation in sixteenth-century Ghent. First, it argues that Ghent guilds showed neither a static picture of upward mobility nor a rectilinear and one-way evolution. It demonstrates that the opportunities for social promotion within the guild system were, to a great extent, determined by the successive political regimes of the city. Second, the article proves that the guild boards in the sixteenth century had neither a typically oligarchic nor a typically democratic character. Third, the investigation of the houses in which master craftsmen lived shows that guild masters should not be depicted as a monolithic social bloc, but that significant differences in status and wealth existed. The article concludes that there was no linear positive connection between the duration of a master craftsman's career and his wealth and social position.

Eastern Orthodoxy and Europe

2021 ◽  
pp. 479-496
Author(s):  
Effie Fokas
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Historical Period ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Temporal Perspective ◽  
Eastern Orthodoxy ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Political Reality ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Relationship

This chapter considers the relationship between ‘Orthodoxies’ and ‘Europes’, highlighting the multiplicity of Eastern Christian Orthodox approaches and attitudes towards Europe, from one majority Orthodox national context to another and one historical period to another, ranging from anti-Europeanism (and anti-Westernism) to Europhilism. It also draws attention to differences in Orthodox stances on the idea of Europe, on the one hand, and the political reality of the European unification project, on the other. A temporal perspective is particularly relevant in changing attitudes to the European Union. Special attention is paid to external perspectives on the relationship between ‘Orthodoxy’ and ‘Europe’, often politicized and influenced by the political turmoil in the Balkans. The chapter closes with reference to the situation of flux characterizing contemporary conceptions of Europe, and the impact of the latter on ‘Orthodoxy’ in relation to ‘Europe’.

Choice in the West

1953 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-167
Author(s):  
S. Bernard
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
The United States ◽  
The Political ◽  
World War ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Working Out

The advent of a new administration in the United States and the passage of seven years since the end of World War II make it appropriate to review the political situation which has developed in Europe during that period and to ask what choices now are open to the West in its relations with the Soviet Union.The end of World War II found Europe torn between conflicting conceptions of international politics and of the goals that its members should seek. The democratic powers, led by the United States, viewed the world in traditional, Western, terms. The major problem, as they saw it, was one of working out a moral and legal order to which all powers could subscribe, and in which they would live. Quite independently of the environment, they assumed that one political order was both more practicable and more desirable than some other, and that their policies should be directed toward its attainment.

scholarly journals Lo que fue ya no es y lo nuevo aún no toma forma: elecciones 2006 en perspectiva histórica

2009 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ciska Raventós Vorst
Keyword(s):  
Costa Rica ◽  
20Th Century ◽  
Political Change ◽  
The Political ◽  
Voting Behaviour ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
History Of ◽  
Electoral Behaviour ◽  
Siglo Xx ◽  
The Relationship

RESUMEN: Este artículo analiza el proceso de cambio político que se inició en Costa Rica en 1998 y que aún no concluye, ubicándolo en el contexto de la historia política de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Revisa luego las explicaciones que se han dado para el brusco quiebre en el comportamiento electoral de 1998, analiza la relación entre abstención y declive de los dos partidos tradicionales en el período 1998-2006 y se detiene a estudiar algunos rasgos del comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos en el 2006. Concluye planteando una interpretación preliminar sobre el momento político en que se encuentra el país.ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the process of ongoing political change that has taken place in Costa Rica since 1998. It is analyzed in the context of the political history of the second half of the 20th century. This article reviews the explanations of the sudden shift in electoral behaviour in 1998, analyzes the relationship between electoral abstention and the decline of the two traditional parties between 1998 and 2006, and it studies some characteristics of voting behaviour in 2006. The paper concludes with a preliminary interpretation of the current political situation.

Political Ideology and the Law Review Selection Process

2020 ◽  
Vol 22 (1) ◽  
pp. 211-240
Author(s):  
Adam Chilton ◽  
Jonathan Masur ◽  
Kyle Rozema
Keyword(s):  
Political Ideology ◽  
Selection Process ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Law ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Share Of Articles ◽  
Do So

Abstract We investigate the role that political ideology plays in the selection process for articles in law reviews. To do so, we match data on the political ideology of student editors from 15 top law reviews from 1990 to 2005 to data on the political ideology of the authors of accepted articles. We find that law reviews with a higher share of conservative editors accept a higher share of articles written by conservative authors. We then investigate potential explanations for this pattern. One possibility is that editors have a preference for publishing articles written by authors that share their ideology. Another possibility is that editors are objectively better at assessing the contribution of articles written by authors that share their ideology. We find evidence that the latter explanation drives the relationship between editor and author ideology.

Rothschilds’ “Delicate and Difficult Task”: Reputation, Political Instability, and the Brazilian Rescue Loans of the 1890s

2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEONARDO WELLER
Keyword(s):  
Economic Policy ◽  
Sovereign Debt ◽  
Debt Crisis ◽  
Political Instability ◽  
The State ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Brazilian Government ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Relationship

The London House of Rothschild depended on Brazil to maintain its reputation. This became a problem in the 1890s, when the Brazilian government almost defaulted on its sovereign debt after a change of regime had made politics unstable and economic policy unorthodox. This article shows how the relationship between the bank and the state developed to the point that Rothschilds was forced to rescue its client. Exposure enabled Brazil to implement policies designed to defend the regime at the expense of payment capacity without defaulting. The debt crisis ended only after the political situation stabilized toward the close of the century, when the bank pressured the government to tighten economic policy.

Moving against Disappearance

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jens Richard Giersdorf
Keyword(s):  
East Germany ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Berlin Wall ◽  
The West ◽  
Pedestrian Movement ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
The Social ◽  
East German

Nearly a year after the fall of the Berlin Wall, East Germany was subsumed into the West German national structure. As a result, the distinct political systems, institutions, and cultures that characterized East Germany have nearly completely vanished. In some instances, this history was actively—and physically—eradicated by the unified Germany. This chapter works against the disappearance of East German culture by reconstructing the physicality of the walk across the border on the day of the opening of the Berlin Wall and two choreographic works depicting East German identities on stage. The initial re-creation of the choreography of a pedestrian movement provides a social, political, and methodological context that relates the two dance productions to the social movement of East German citizens. Both works take stances on the political situation in East Germany during and after the opening of the Berlin Wall in 1989, although one is by a West German artist, Sasha Waltz, and the other by East German choreographer Jo Fabian.

Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document