scholarly journals Pengaruh Kontestasi Politik Desa terhadap Konflik Ahmadiyah di Gegerung-Lombok Barat

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 47
Author(s):  
Mohamad Baihaqi

Penyerangan terhadap Jemaat Ahmadiyah di Gegerung-Lombok terjadi pada 2005-2006 dan 2010. Pada tahun itu kontestasi pemilihan kepala desa bakal dilaksanakan. Beberapa bulan menjelang pemilihan kepala desa, salah satu tokoh agama kerap menyampaikan ceramah yang bernada provokatif. Belakangan diketahui bahwa tokoh agama tersebut berafiliasi dengan salah satu kontestan calon kepala desa. Penelitian ini mengungkapkan bahwa konflik dan kekerasan terhadap Jemaat Ahmadiyah di Gegerung terjadi secara instrumental yang disebabkan oleh adanya kepentingan politik tokoh agama dan salah satu kandidat dalam pemilihan kepala desa setempat. Sekaligus menunjukkan bahwa konflik dan kekerasan terhadap Jemaat Ahmadiyah tidak hanya disebabkan oleh faktor perbedaan keyakinan antara Jemaat Ahmadiyah dan warga Desa Gegerung-Lombok Barat. Bukan pula terjadi semata karena adanya fatwa MUI dan peraturan diskriminatif bupati Lombok Barat. Keduanya tidak berhubungan secara langsung sebagai pemicu konflik dan kekerasan. Konflik dan kekerasan terhadap Ahmadiyah di Desa Gegerung justru terjadi karena adanya campur tangan politisi dan tokoh agama di yang menjadikan perbedaan sebagai komoditas politik.[The attack on the Jemaah Ahmadiyah in Gegerung-Lombok occurred in 2005-2006 and 2010 in conjunction with the contestation for the headman election. A few months before the village headman election, one of the religious leaders often delivered provocative lectures. It was later discovered that this religious figure was affiliated with one of the village head candidate contestants. This research focuses on whether there is a relationship between the political situation in Gegerung Village and the presence of the Jemaah Ahmadiyah? Does this relationship have a correlation with conflict and violence? Using the descriptive analysis method, this research aims to reveal the relationship between the potential situation of Gegerung Village and the existence of the Jemaah Ahmadiyah and its correlation with conflict and violence. The results showed that the conflict and violence against the Jemaah Ahmadiyah in Gegerung occurred instrumentally due to the political interests of religious leaders and one of the candidates in the local village head election. In addition, the researcher also found that the conflict and violence against the Jemaah Ahmadiyah was not only caused by factors of differences in beliefs between the Ahmadiyah congregation and residents of Gegerung Village-West Lombok, nor was it simply due to the MUI fatwa and the discriminatory regulations of the West Lombok Regent. Both are not directly related as triggers of conflict and violence. The conflict and violence against Ahmadiyah in Gegerung Village actually occurred because of the interference of politicians and religious figures who made differences as a political commodity.]

2006 ◽  
pp. 31-40 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jovanka Kalic

The topic of this paper is one aspect of the relationship between Serbia and Byzantium at the beginning of the 15th Century, during the so-called "despot period" of the reign of Stefan Lazarevic (1402-1427), namely the fate of the Byzantine title of Despots' in Serbia against the background of the political situation in the Balkans at the time of Turkish domination. Knez Stefan (1377-1427), Knez Lazar's son, received the title of Despotes according to the procedure long ago established at the Byzantine Court. In Byzantium, this title, which was second in rank only to the title of the Emperor, used to be endowed to the relatives of the imperial dynasty, it was not hereditary and did not depend on the territory ruled by the bearer of the title. It was a personal court title of the highest rank in Byzantium. This honor was bestowed upon the young Knez Stefan in summer of 1402 after his return from the battlefield of Angora (Ankara), where Sultan Beyazid I suffered a disastrous defeat from the hands of the Tatars. The Serbian Knez was solemnly received in Constantinople, a marriage between himself and a sister of the Byzantine Empress was arranged and John VII Palaeologus, the co-regent of the then-absent Emperor Manuel II Palaeologus, endowed him with the title of Despotes. Knez Stefan carried this title till the end of his life. It was held in great honors in Serbia and was broadened in meaning to designate a ruler's title in general, remaining alive among the Serbs even after the fall of the Byzantine Empire. Stefan Lazarevic received the dignity of a Despotes once more, in 1410 in Constantinople. All this notwithstanding, the political situation in the South-East of Europe at the beginning of the 15th Century was all but favorable. Some Christian states were conquered by the Turks (Bulgaria), some were vassals of the Sultan (Byzantium, Serbia). Everything depended on the Ottomans. At the time of dynastic conflicts in the Turkish Empire (1403-1413) as well as afterwards, the political interests of Byzantium and Serbia were different, even at times contrary. What they had in common was the attempt to find allies in the West, especially among the countries which had an interest to fight against the Turks, so an initiative was raised to form a Christian League to that effect. Despot Stefan, in his capacity as a vassal of the Hungarian King Sigismund of Luxembourg, took part in the negotiations the Byzantine Emperor John VIII Palaelogus held in Buda with his host (1424). This was the last meeting of the Serbian Despotes with the Byzantine Emperor. The title of Despotes had changed with respect to the Byzantine norms. Despot Stefan became the Despotes of the Kingdom of Rascia (Raska), as the Kingdom of Serbia was called in the West. The personal title of the Byzantine Imperial Court was thus transformed in accordance with the non-Byzantine traditions of the Serbian political ideology. .


2020 ◽  
Vol 145 (2) ◽  
pp. 495-505
Author(s):  
EIRINI DIAMANTOULI

Ideologically motivated attempts to elucidate Shostakovich’s political views and to determine whether and how they may be coded into his compositions have come to characterize the Western reception of the composer’s works since his death in 1975. Fuelled by the political oppositions of the cold war, Shostakovich’s posthumous reputation in the West has been largely shaped by two conflicting perspectives. These have positioned him on the one hand as a secret dissident, bent and broken under the unbearable strain of totalitarianism, made heroic through his veiled musical resistance to Communism; and on the other hand as a composer compromised by his capitulation to the regime – represented in an anachronistic musical style. Both perspectives surrender Shostakovich and his music to a crude oversimplification driven by vested political interests. Western listeners thus conditioned are primed to hear either the coded dissidence of a tragic victim of Communist brutality or the sinister submission of a ‘loyal son of the Communist Party’.1 For those prepared to accept Shostakovich as a ‘tragic victim’, the publication of his purported memoirs in 1979, ‘as related to and edited by’ the author Solomon Volkov, presents a tantalizing conclusion: bitterly yet discreetly scornful of the Stalinist regime, Shostakovich was indeed a secret dissident and this dissidence was made tangible in his music.


1998 ◽  
Vol 43 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
Johan Dambruyne

This article investigates the relationship between social mobility and status in guilds and the political situation in sixteenth-century Ghent. First, it argues that Ghent guilds showed neither a static picture of upward mobility nor a rectilinear and one-way evolution. It demonstrates that the opportunities for social promotion within the guild system were, to a great extent, determined by the successive political regimes of the city. Second, the article proves that the guild boards in the sixteenth century had neither a typically oligarchic nor a typically democratic character. Third, the investigation of the houses in which master craftsmen lived shows that guild masters should not be depicted as a monolithic social bloc, but that significant differences in status and wealth existed. The article concludes that there was no linear positive connection between the duration of a master craftsman's career and his wealth and social position.


1953 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 133-167
Author(s):  
S. Bernard

The advent of a new administration in the United States and the passage of seven years since the end of World War II make it appropriate to review the political situation which has developed in Europe during that period and to ask what choices now are open to the West in its relations with the Soviet Union.The end of World War II found Europe torn between conflicting conceptions of international politics and of the goals that its members should seek. The democratic powers, led by the United States, viewed the world in traditional, Western, terms. The major problem, as they saw it, was one of working out a moral and legal order to which all powers could subscribe, and in which they would live. Quite independently of the environment, they assumed that one political order was both more practicable and more desirable than some other, and that their policies should be directed toward its attainment.


2016 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-39
Author(s):  
Denisa Nestakova ◽  
Eduard Nižňanský

This article describes a largely unknown Swedish effort to intervene in deportations of Jews of Slovakia between 1942 and 1944. Swedish officials and religious leaders used their diplomatic correspondence with the Slovak government to extract some Jewish individuals and later on the whole Jewish community of Slovakia from deportations by their government and eventually by German officials. Despite the efforts of the Swedish Royal Consulate in Bratislava, the Swedish arch­bishop, Erling Eidem, and the Slovak consul, Bohumil Pissko, in Stockholm, and despite the acts taken by some Slovak ministries, the Slovak officials, including the president of the Slovak Republic, Jozef Tiso, revoked further negotiations in the autumn of 1944. However, the negotiations between Slovakia and Sweden created a scope for actions to protect some Jewish individuals which were doomed­ to failure because of the political situation. Nevertheless, this plan and the previous diplomatic interventions are significant for a description of the almost unknown Swedish and Slovak efforts to save the Jews of Slovakia. Repeated Swedish offers to take in Jewish individuals and later the whole community could well have prepared the way for larger rescues. These never occurred, given the Slovak interest in deporting their own Jewish citizens and later the German occupation of Slovakia. 


Author(s):  
Suwito SUWITO ◽  
Abdul Rahman JANNANG

This study aims to build a model for optimizing the performance of Village Owned Enterprises in the West Halmahera Regency. As a result of all that the existence of BUMDes has not been able to contribute to Village Original Revenue and improve the welfare of the village community as expected by the Village and the Community. To achieve this goal, the researcher used a qualitative approach with descriptive analysis methods. The results study found two findings that were effective for optimizing the performance of BUMDes. The first finding is that BUMDes must ensure market opportunities, availability of raw materials, product competitiveness, and product uniqueness to develop it is business. The second finding, using the AHP method, it is recommended that the Village of Guaemaadu develop the superior potential of the coastal tourism-based village industry; Hydroponic Farming; Coconut oil; Village Shop; Crafts from Bamboo; Coconut Collector; Hospitality; Processed Bananas; Nature Tourism and Village Bank.


2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (9) ◽  
pp. 198-207
Author(s):  
Marshely Zulhaisa ◽  
Syafruddin Karimi ◽  
Endrizal Ridwan

The purpose of this study was to determine the household interest in using mobile banking in Padang City. The factors studied in this research were risks, benefits, conveniences, trusts, and technology systems. This study used primary data by conducting a field survey through questionnaires distributed to 273 respondents in the Sawahan Village, East Padang District, Padang City. The data analysis method in this research wass qualitative by using descriptive analysis techniques and Structural Equation Modeling (SEM) processed with the AMOS program. Descriptive analysis was used to show the relationship between respondent characteristics such as age, sex, education level, occupation, and income and the respondent’s interests in mobile banking. While the results of the analysis obtained by the SEM method show that perceived benefits, perceived conveniences, perceived risks, technology systems influence household interest in mobile banking in Padang City, there is no influence of perceived trusts on household interest in mobile banking in Padang City.


2009 ◽  
Vol 49 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ciska Raventós Vorst

RESUMEN: Este artículo analiza el proceso de cambio político que se inició en Costa Rica en 1998 y que aún no concluye, ubicándolo en el contexto de la historia política de la segunda mitad del siglo XX. Revisa luego las explicaciones que se han dado para el brusco quiebre en el comportamiento electoral de 1998, analiza la relación entre abstención y declive de los dos partidos tradicionales en el período 1998-2006 y se detiene a estudiar algunos rasgos del comportamiento electoral de los ciudadanos en el 2006. Concluye planteando una interpretación preliminar sobre el momento político en que se encuentra el país.ABSTRACT: This article analyzes the process of ongoing political change that has taken place in Costa Rica since 1998. It is analyzed in the context of the political history of the second half of the 20th century. This article reviews the explanations of the sudden shift in electoral behaviour in 1998, analyzes the relationship between electoral abstention and the decline of the two traditional parties between 1998 and 2006, and it studies some characteristics of voting behaviour in 2006. The paper concludes with a preliminary interpretation of the current political situation.


Author(s):  
Faisal Bin Salih Al Zahrani

ملخص البحث:   يعد الأدب العربي في إقليم الحجاز جزءاً من أدب الأمة العربية الجميل؛ لكن الدراسات الأدبية لا تزال غير كافية على الرغم من بذل بعض الباحثين جهوداً لجمع مادته الأدبية التي لا يزال كثير منها مخطوطاً أو مفقوداً أو مخفياً لأسباب متعددة. يبحث المنهج السيميائي عن المعنى من خلال البحث عن الاختلاف الداخلي للمعاني عبر المنهج السيميائي لتحليل الخطاب الشعري؛ وذلك من منطلق المنهج السيميائي في دراسة النصوص الشعرية والتي تؤكد أنها تتكون من نظام لغوي يعطي مجموعة من المعطيات الخاصة، وهذه الرؤية أسقطها المنهج السيميائي على أغلب النصوص الإبداعية، مع تميز النص الشعري بقدرته على اختزال المعنى، وتسعى هذه الدراسة إلى تتبع الشعر السياسي في الحجاز والوقوف على الدلالات التي يبرزها التحليل السيميائي من خلال المعنى الشعري، وذلك باتباع المنهج الوصفي التحليلي؛ حيث تبدأ بمقدمة تعرف ببعض المصطلحات الهامة مثل: إقليم الحجاز، السيميائية، الشعر السياسي، وستقوم عناصر التحليل لعدة مستوايات: تبدأ الخطاب العام، والمستوى المعجمي، والمستوى التركيبي، ثم المستوى التركيبي. الكلمات المفتاحية: الشعر السياسي - السيميائية - الخطاب العام - المستوى المعجمي- المستوى التركيبي. Abstract Arabic literature in Hijaz area is a part of magnificent Arabic literature. Much of literary works are still missing for many reasons despite the effort of some researchers in collecting and recording them. The semiotic approach looks into meaning by examining its internal differences through semiotic method to analyze poetic discourse. The semiotic approach helps in studying the poetic texts that reveal that it contains a language system that implies certain inputs. This very method helps to reveal such a perception on most of creative texts, with the distinction of the poetic text as having the ability to compress meaning. This paper aims at tracking the political poems in Hijaz and dwell on the meaning revealed by the semiotic analysis through the poetic meaning. The study makes use of the descriptive analysis method. It begins with the definition of some significant terms such as: Hijaz, semiotics, political poems; the analysis is based on certain levels: it begins with the general discourse, lexical and phrasal levels.   Keywords: Political poems, semiotics, general discourse, lexical level, phrasal level.     Abstrak Satera Arab di Hijaz adalah sebahagian daripada kesusasteraan yang gemilang. Namun masih banyak karya-karya yang masih hilang disebabkan banyak faktor walaupun usaha-usaha para pengkaji dalam mengumpul dan merekodkannya. Pendekatan semiotik ini melihat aspek makna dengan melihat perbezaan dalaman melalui metod semiotik untuk menganalisa wacana syair. Pendekatan ini juga menolong menyingkap sistem bahasa tertentu yang menandakan input tertentu. Ia juga menolong menyingkap untuk menyerlahkan persepsi tertentu tentang kebanyakan teks kreatif, terutamanya kelebihan teks puitis untuk memampatkan makna. Kajian ini bertujuan untuk mengesan syair-syair politik di Hijaz dan mengkaji makna yang diserlahkan melalui analisa maksud puitis. Kajian ini menggunakan metod analisa deskriptif. Ia dimulakan dengan definisi beberapa terma penting seperti: Hijaz, semiotic, syair politik; analisa yang dibuat adalah berdasarkan kepada beberapa tahap: ia bermula dengan wacana umum seterusnya tahap-tahap leksikal dan phrasa.    Kata kunci: Syair politik, semiotic, wacana umum, tahap leksikal, tahap frasa


2015 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 381-412 ◽  
Author(s):  
LEONARDO WELLER

The London House of Rothschild depended on Brazil to maintain its reputation. This became a problem in the 1890s, when the Brazilian government almost defaulted on its sovereign debt after a change of regime had made politics unstable and economic policy unorthodox. This article shows how the relationship between the bank and the state developed to the point that Rothschilds was forced to rescue its client. Exposure enabled Brazil to implement policies designed to defend the regime at the expense of payment capacity without defaulting. The debt crisis ended only after the political situation stabilized toward the close of the century, when the bank pressured the government to tighten economic policy.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document