Bantu Bureaucracy: A Study of Integration and Conflict in the Political Institutions of an East African People. By Lloyd A. Fallers. Cambridge: Heffer & Sons for the East African Institute of Social Research, n.d. Pp. xiv + 283. 30s.

This workshop, sponsored by the University of East Africa and the Institute of Social Research at Makerere University College, with additional financial support from the Rockefeller Foundation, was subdivided into two brief conferences. The underlying idea was that the more traditional disciplinary concerns of the political scientists of East Africa should form the basis for the first day, after which the workshop would broaden into an interdisciplinary experiment, with additional participants.

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Bankers and politicians: mutual interests and contradictions (the historical experience of different countries)

10.29039/1796-8 ◽

2018 ◽

Author(s):

Ирина Юдина ◽

Irina Yudina

Keyword(s):

Political Science ◽

Political Institutions ◽

Economic History ◽

Banking System ◽

Main Idea ◽

The Political ◽

Historical Experience ◽

Banking Systems ◽

Analysis Tools ◽

Political Game

This work is an attempt to explain the political roots from which banking systems have evolved in different countries and how they have evolved at different times. For this purpose, materials and analysis tools from three different disciplines were used: economic history, political science and Economics. The main idea that is set out in this paper is the statement that the strength and weakness of the banking system is a consequence of the Great political game and that the rules of this game are written by the main political institutions.

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POWER TECHNOLOGIES OF THE ORGANIZATIONAL MODEL OF FRENCH REGIONAL POLICY

Political Science Issues ◽

10.35775/psi.2019.31.1.009 ◽

2019 ◽

Author(s):

M.L. LEBEDEVA

Keyword(s):

Political Institutions ◽

Regional Policy ◽

Political Process ◽

Research Topic ◽

The Political ◽

Theoretical Understanding ◽

Policy Model ◽

Stage Of Development ◽

Political Relations ◽

Comprehensive Study

The purpose of writing this article is to highlight the features of organization of the regional policy in France on the basis of the theoretical understanding of the concepts of regional policy, model of regional policy and policy analogy. The research topic is the content of the French policy of organizing a regional political space. The object of the research is the power technologies of regional policy. The systemstructural method, which considers political relations as an integral system of interconnections of phenomena and events of the political process, makes it possible to determine the main essential content of this research topic. Institutional approach involves the study of political institutions and their content. An analysis of Russian and foreign sources suggests that the main issue posed in the article is relevant at the present stage of development. The study is made possible on the basis of existing research. A comprehensive study of the conceptual theoretical characteristics of the regional policy as such allowed the author to identify the model and features of the political toolkit for the organization of thecenterregions relations in modern French Republic.

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An Ever Further Apart Union? National and European Attachments in the European Union

Canadian Journal of European and Russian Studies ◽

10.22215/cjers.v2i4.2426 ◽

2006 ◽

Author(s):

Tracey Raney

Keyword(s):

European Union ◽

Identity Formation ◽

Identity Construction ◽

Political Institutions ◽

Active Role ◽

The Political ◽

The European Union ◽

Political Identities ◽

Political Identification ◽

The Eu

This paper is about the ways that citizens perceive their place in the political world around them, through their political identities. Using a combination of comparative and quantitative methodologies, the study traces the pattern of citizens’ political identifications in the European Union and Canada between 1981 and 2003 and explains the mechanisms that shape these political identifications. The results of the paper show that in the EU and Canada identity formation is a process that involves the participation of both individuals and political institutions yet between the two, individuals play a greater role in identity construction than do political institutions. The paper argues that the main agents of political identification in the EU and Canada are citizens themselves: individuals choose their own political identifications, rather than acquiring identities that are pre-determined by historical or cultural precedence. The paper makes the case that this phenomenon is characteristic of a rise of ‘civic’ identities in the EU and Canada. In the European Union, this overarching ‘civic’ identity is in its infancy compared to Canada, yet, both reveal a new form of political identification when compared to the historical and enduring forms of cultural identities firmly entrenched in Europe. The rise of civic identities in both the EU and Canada is attributed to the active role that citizens play in their own identity constructions as they base their identifications on rational assessments of how well political institutions function, and whether their memberships in the community will benefit them, rather than on emotional factors rooted in religion or race. In the absence of strongly held emotional identifications, in the EU and Canada political institutions play a passive role in identity construction by making the community appear more entitative to its citizens. These findings offer new theoretical scope to the concept of civic communities and the political identities that underpin them. The most important finding presented in the paper is that although civic communities and identities are manufactured by institutions and political elites (politicians and bureaucrats), they require thinking citizens, not feeling ones, to be sustained. Full text available at: https://doi.org/10.22215/rera.v2i4.179

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Institutions and Political Support

10.1093/oso/9780198793717.003.0007 ◽

2017 ◽

Author(s):

Shaun Bowler

Keyword(s):

Political Institutions ◽

Political Process ◽

Institutional Reform ◽

Institutional Arrangements ◽

Individual Characteristics ◽

Political Support ◽

The Political ◽

General Expectation ◽

Using Data

This chapter analyzes to what extent variation in political institutions affects political support. The chapter observes that the existing research is not always clear on which institutions should produce what kind of effect, although a general expectation is that institutional arrangements improve political support when they give citizens an increased sense of connection to the political process. In general then, we should expect institutions that strengthen the quality of representation to strengthen political support. This general expectation is specified in six hypotheses that are tested using data from the ESS 2012. The chapter demonstrates that electoral systems that provide voters with more choice about candidates, multiparty governments, and “responsive” legislatures, correlate positively with political support. However, compared to other macro-level factors and individual characteristics, the effects of political institutions on political support are modest. The chapter concludes that the prospects for institutional reform to strengthen political support are limited.

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Sports, Transgender Rights and the Bodily Politics of Cisgender Supremacy

Laws ◽

10.3390/laws10030063 ◽

2021 ◽

Vol 10 (3) ◽

pp. 63

Author(s):

Elizabeth A. Sharrow

Keyword(s):

Civil Rights ◽

Political Institutions ◽

State Legislatures ◽

The United States ◽

The Political ◽

Sports Teams ◽

Political Interests ◽

Legislative Proposals ◽

Gendered Bodies ◽

Political Right

Between 2020 and 2021, one hundred and ten bills in state legislatures across the United States suggested banning the participation of transgender athletes on sports teams for girls and women. As of July 2021, ten such bills have become state law. This paper tracks the political shift towards targeting transgender athletes. Conservative political interests now seek laws that suture biological determinist arguments to civil rights of bodies. Although narrow binary definitions of sex have long operated in the background as a means for policy implementation under Title IX, Republican lawmakers now aim to reframe sex non-discrimination policies as means of gendered exclusion. The content of proposals reveal the centrality of ideas about bodily immutability, and body politics more generally, in shaping the future of American gender politics. My analysis of bills from 2021 argues that legislative proposals advance a logic of “cisgender supremacy” inhering in political claims about normatively gendered bodies. Political institutions are another site for advancing, enshrining, and normalizing cis-supremacist gender orders, explicitly joining cause with medical authorities as arbiters of gender normativity. Characteristics of bodies and their alleged role in evidencing sex itself have fueled the tactics of anti-transgender activists on the political Right. However, the target of their aims is not mere policy change but a state-sanctioned return to a narrowly cis- and heteropatriarchal gender order.

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Division de pouvoir et intégration social: de Montesquieu à la crise actuelle du parlementarisme

Canadian Journal of Political Science ◽

10.1017/s0008423900036775 ◽

1968 ◽

Vol 1 (3) ◽

pp. 261-269

Author(s):

André Vachet

Keyword(s):

Political Institutions ◽

Political System ◽

Political Power ◽

Social Groups ◽

The Political ◽

Social Forces ◽

Parliamentary Democracy ◽

Social Division ◽

Western Democracy ◽

Vital Forces

Division of power and social integrationExplanation of some of the recent challenges to western democracy may be found in a re-examination of Montesquieu's thought. Here we find the theory of the separation of power to be far more complex than is implied in the simple divisions of legislature, executive, and judiciary. For Montesquieu, the separation of power is more a social division than a political or juridical one. He contemplated returning the organs of political power to various social forces, e.g. monarchy, aristocracy, and bourgeoisie, and that then the self-assertion of forces would be restrained by the resistance of other social groups. The realization of its goals would require every important social group to integrate itself both to society and to the state and to seek its goals through realization of the general good.Since Montesquieu's time, political structures would seem to have been very little changed even though social structures have been greatly altered by the rise of economic powers. Political institutions have been losing touch with the vital forces of society and these have had to find other channels of expression. The personalization of power, the rise of the executive, violence, and increasing paternalism may be viewed as phenomena of compensation by which attempts are being made to bridge the gap between the structures of political power and those of a society which has been restructured.Revigoration of parliamentary democracy would seem to require that all vital social forces be reintegrated into the political system and be given meaningful channels of political expression. Failure to make such changes opens the way to identification of the political powers with technocracy and the increasing general use of violence in the resolution of social problems.

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The Political Stakes of Academic Research: Perspectives on Johannesburg

African Studies Review ◽

10.1353/arw.2005.0054 ◽

2005 ◽

Vol 48 (2) ◽

pp. 87-109 ◽

Cited By ~ 17

Author(s):

Ivor Chipkin

Keyword(s):

Inner City ◽

Political Institutions ◽

Academic Research ◽

The Political ◽

Political Equality ◽

Research Perspectives ◽

Shift Analysis ◽

Demographic Shifts ◽

The City ◽

Political Question

Abstract:This article considers a burgeoning literature on Johannesburg from the perspective of the sorts of questions it asks about the city. There is a substantial and lively literature on questions of poverty and equality, class and race. These studies are strongly informed by the idea that the mechanisms that produce such inequalities are key to understanding the nature of Johannesburg as a city: in terms of how its economy works and how political institutions function, but also in terms of what sort of city Johannesburg is and can be. I consider sociological and economic studies of the inner city that try to account for demographic shifts in the inner city and for processes of social and physical degeneration. I review urban anthropologies of inner-city society, considering in particular new forms of social and economic organization among inner-city residents. Related to these, I discuss debates among scholars about the prospects for governing the city, paying special attention to the consequences for such readings on partnerships. I also discuss an emerging literature, critical of that above, which seeks to shift analysis of the city toward studies of culture and identity. These literatures do not simply approach the city through different disciplinary lenses (sociology or economy or anthropology or cultural studies) . They come to their studies from different normative perspectives. For some, the key political question of the day is one about social and political equality in its various forms. For others, it is about the degree to which Johannesburg (or Africa) is different from or the same as other places in the world. This paper has tried to bring to the fore the political (and not simply policy) consequences of these different views. It concludes not by seeking to reconcile these perspectives, but by suggesting a way of retaining a commitment to equality and justice while not reducing them simply to questions of economy. At stake, I argue, are questions of democratic culture and of sociability.

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