A Further Contribution to the Study of Zande Culture

Africa ◽  
1963 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 183-197 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. E. Evans-Pritchard

Opening ParagraphIn a recent number of Africa (October i960) I showed that a number of Zande cultivated plants must have been borrowed from other peoples and that others were probably borrowed too. The points there emphasized were: firstly, that the agricultural economy of the Azande is derived from many different sources; secondly, that the Azande themselves see it that way; and thirdly, that in the past it must have been much simpler than in recent times, leading us to suppose that there has probably been a connexion between bionomic development and political development. I now turn to a consideration of certain arts and crafts to show further that it is not only in the cultivation of plants that Zande culture is a complex of borrowed elements, as the people themselves are a complex of peoples of different ethnic origins, but also in their material culture generally. I do not attempt to cover all of their material culture, only some parts of it for illustration and as an indication of the extent to which it has been taken over from peoples absorbed into the original Mbomu stock or from neighbouring peoples.

Africa ◽  
1943 ◽  
Vol 14 (4) ◽  
pp. 155-164 ◽  
Author(s):  
K. C. Murray

Opening ParagraphThe indigenous crafts of West Africa are so primitive in comparison with the mechanized industries of Europe that they may easily be omitted from schemes for future progress. Plans have been suggested for the extensive development of backward areas such as Nigeria as part of the post-war aim of the expansion of world trade. Large measures of social reconstruction, together with the starting of new industries and the improvement of old have been advocated in order that poverty may be lessened and the equipment of public services increased. Of many of these schemes there is no doubt that, if they were possible of achievement, industrial organizations would be set up that would have no relationship to African life as it is now. Experts in materials and industrial processes are not usually interested in sociological questions, nor are they accustomed to take them into account. They are concerned with efficiency, and have only to satisfy themselves that there is a sufficient supply of labour which is capable of manipulating machinery. Experts in the science of economics, for their part, have to decide whether there will be a market for the products of new or improved industries and therefore must necessarily examine some aspects of the life of the people in the area which they are studying. But the predominating factors of advertisement and price enable them to disregard deeper questions of cultural disintegration. Yet thorny questions would eventually arise upon which Africans would have decided opinions: such as the use of land for the exploitation of minerals, and the ownership and control of industries. The supply of labour might at first appear to Africans an innocuous, even a beneficial function, but later it might be discovered that the movement of workers into industrial towns was undermining the whole basis of their society


2021 ◽  
Vol 7 (3D) ◽  
pp. 1-7
Author(s):  
Sergii Chyrchyk ◽  
Valerii Atlanov ◽  
Andrii Kravchenko ◽  
Yaroslav Lohinskyy ◽  
Olena Tryhub

Arts and crafts, preserves the historical and spiritual and cultural memory of the people, is a manifestation of their actions and feelings. It is that powerful root of human growth and improvement, nourishes the next generation with the life-giving force of the past. Contemplation and perfect mastery of arts and crafts motivates students to perceive any scientific, artistic information through the prism of studies, transform it in oneself and turn it into the property of the national spirit, culture, defend their ideals, views and beliefs. The subject of this article is a retrospective analysis of historical experience regarding the possibilities of arts and crafts in the formation of artistic and pedagogical competence of future teachers of fine arts. A thorough study of history, trends in the development of arts and crafts, mastering the techniques of creating art products contributes to the process of transferring students' knowledge into their beliefs, influences the actions and deeds of future teachers.


Africa ◽  
1965 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-7 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. E. Evans-Pritchard

Opening ParagraphIn an article, ‘A Contribution to the Study of Zande Culture’, which appeared in Africa in 1960 (vol. xxx, no. 4), I discussed the certain or probable borrowing by the original Azande, the Ambomu, in the course of their migrations, of their main cultivated plants, e.g. eleusine, maize, ground-nuts, manioc, sweet potatoes, bananas, and tobacco, from assimilated or neighbouring peoples. In a second article, ‘A Further Contribution to the Study of Zande Culture’ (Africa, vol. xxxiii, no. 3, 1963), the discussion of cultural borrowings was taken into the field of artifacts and technology: building, smithery, pot-making, carving, plaiting, oracles, and medicines. In the present and final essay some examples are given of borrowing in areas of the social life other than those of cultivation of plants and the arts and crafts.


1907 ◽  
Vol 1 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-247 ◽  
Author(s):  
James Wilford Garner

The right of the people, acting within the bounds of the law and through organs constituted in conformity with the prescriptions of the existing constitution, to alter, amend, or abolish their form of government whenever they deem it necessary to their safety and happiness is, in effect, declared by practically every American bill of rights to be not only fundamental but inalienable and indefeasible. The phraseology differs in some of them but the substance is the same in all. Without such a right the mistakes and errors of the past could not be eliminated from the body politic nor the accumulated wisdom and experience of other States utilized. Without it, the fundamental maxim that constitutions grow instead of being made would be meaningless and political development impossible. An acute thinker has well observed that no constitution can expect to be permanent unless it guarantees progress as well as order. Political conservatism is a virtue too often trampled upon by statesmen, but it has its limits, and, in its exaggerated form, becomes a source of revolution. The amending power has been aptly compared to a safety valve which ought to be so adjusted as not to discharge its peculiar function with too great facility lest it become an escape pipe for party passion and political prejudice, nor with such difficulty that the force needed to induce action will explode the machine.


KALPATARU ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 105
Author(s):  
Muhammad Fadhlan Syuaib Intan ◽  
Nasruddin Nasruddin

AbstractThe South Nias cultural heritage presented through the artifacts, in the form of traditional architectural buildings, as well as various megalithic stone buildings with all their forms, is an ancestral cultural work that not only contains aesthetic values, uniqueness and art, but also local wisdom as a source of knowledge which is very valuable to be studied and studied. This important and very valuable heritage must be preserved and preserved. But the attitudes and views of the people towards their cultural heritage are changing, as if they no longer have sacred values, even the value of local wisdom begins to fade over time. The existence of South Nias traditional houses is relatively more sustainable compared to other traditional houses. To maintain its existence, changes are needed to accommodate the current residential needs of the community. On the other hand, these changes have the potential to eliminate the character or authenticity of traditional Nias Selatan architecture. This study aims to find out about traditional technologies and architectural changes that occur and their impact on the existence of traditional South Nias houses. From the various problems of the South Nias cultural heritage that are being faced, this study tries to highlight aspects of traditional architecture and local wisdom, including the accompanying megalithic elements. The subjects that will be studied use an ethno-archaeological approach with emphasis on the observation method through direct observation of objects of material culture and social aspects at the research site. In this way it makes it easier for us to observe directly and in detail the architectural forms and components, both exterior and interior as well as the decorative types in the past cultural context of South Nias.Keywords: Traditional Architecture, Megalithic, Cultural HeritageAbstrak Warisan budaya Nias Selatan yang dipresentasikan lewat  peninggalan artefak, berupa  bangunan berarsitektur tradisional, maupun beragam bangunan batu megalit dengan segala rupa bentuknya, merupakan karya budaya leluhur  yang tidak hanya mengandung nilai estetika, keunikan dan seni semata, tetapi juga merupakan kearifan lokal sebagai sumber ilmu pengetahuan yang sangat berharga untuk dikaji dan dipelajari.  Warisan yang penting dan sangat berharga  ini wajib dipelihara dan dilestarikan. Namun sikap dan pandangan masyarakatnya  terhadap warisan budayanya, sedang berubah, seakan tidak lagi memiliki nilai-nilai sakral, bahkan  nilai kearifan lokal pun mulai luntur seiring perjalanan waktu. Keberadaan rumah tradisional Nias Selatan relatif lebih bertahan eksistensinya dibandingkan rumah tradisional lainnya. Untuk mempertahankan eksistensinya, diperlukan perubahan untuk mengakomodasi kebutuhan hunian masyarakat saat ini. Di sisi lain, perubahan tersebut berpotensi menghilangkan karakter atau keaslian  arsitektur tradisional Nias Selatan. Kajian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui teknologi tradisional dan perubahan arsitektur yang terjadi dan dampaknya terhadap eksistensi dari rumah tradisional Nias Selatan. Dari berbagai masalah warisan budaya Nias Selatan yang sedang dihadapi itu,  maka penelitian ini mencoba menyoroti aspek  arsitektur tradisional maupun kearifan lokalnya, termasuk unsur megalitik yang menyertainya. Subyek yang akan  dikaji ini memakai pendekatan etnoarkeologi dengan  penekanan  pada metode  observasi melalui pengamatan langsung terhadap obyek-obyek budaya material dan aspek sosial di lokasi penelitian. Dengan cara ini memudahkan kita mengamati secara langsung dan detil bentuk-bentuk arsitektur dan komponennya, baik eksterior dan interior maupun ragam hias dalam konteks budaya masa lalu Nias Selatan.Kata Kunci: Arsitektur Tradisional, Megalitik, Warisan Budaya


2018 ◽  
pp. 44-79
Author(s):  
Indrek Jääts

Estonian ethnographers in southern Vepsian villages, 1965–1969 Estonian ethnographers have taken an interest in Finno-Ugric peoples since the dawn of ethnography, and to the extent possible, they have made trips to the regions in question to study their culture. Starting in the 1960s, the State Ethnography Museum of the Estonian SSR in Tartu (the past and present Estonian National Museum) became the hub of Finno-Ugric ethnography under its director, Aleksei Peterson. Expeditions to the linguistic relatives in the east began at the initiative and with the support of linguists (chiefly, Paul Ariste) and continued in later years independently. The article looks at five expeditions made by Estonian ethnographers to southern Vepsian villages in the years 1965–1969. The central source is the fieldwork diaries maintained on the expeditions. In addition, the article examines the photographs, film footage and drawings from these expeditions, along with collected items and ethnographic descriptions. The scholarly and popular science-oriented texts based on the material acquired on the expeditions and coverage of the expeditions in the Estonian media of that era are analysed. Interviews were conducted with a few of the people who took part in the trips. The southern Veps region was poorly connected with the rest of the world in the 1960s, and the people there led quite an isolated existence. For this reason, the villages in the region had an abundance of extant or only recently defunct aspects (such as slash and burn agriculture, dugout canoe construction or use of twigs to heat the stove), which captivated the ethnologists. The southern Veps region was a unique window to the past for Estonian researchers, who in that period dealt with questions of ethnogenesis. The material culture had received little study and Peterson saw this as his calling and an opportunity. Modernisation was already under way and everything old was at risk of fading. Ethnographers interested in these matters had to hurry to save for science what could be salvaged. The traditional peasant culture of the Vepsians was documented using still cameras and film cameras, ethnographic interviews were conducted, ethnographic drawings prepared, and artefacts were collected with great verve. Quantity was important, and the field work was generally a collective pursuit – many people could after all accomplish more than just one. The material recorded in the course of fieldwork reached academic circulation quite rapidly – presentations were delivered at international conferences, and journal articles were published. The coverage of the expeditions in the Estonian media was quite lively as well. Newspapers published accounts of various lengths and on at least once occasion the ethnographers’ activities in the Vepsian region was discussed on television. Estonian scholars perceived and conveyed the southern Veps villages as some kind of Baltic-Finnic fairy tale land. In general, researchers relished the opportunity to go on an expedition. It was felt that this was a noble thing, which in some sense also tied in with the Estonian national cause. Research into the linguistic relatives was positively received by Estonian society for this reason – i.e. it was linked to the national identity. Local authorities in the destination regions generally took a positive attitude toward the ethnographers. The zeitgeist favoured science and expeditions. The Veps people – especially those in more remote and isolated villages – frequently greeted the Estonian ethnographers with initial scepticism. The Estonians had to explain their objectives and use documents to prove their bona fides. Later the alienation dissipated and once the close kinship of the Vepsian and Estonian languages was revealed, the newcomers received a rapturous reception as if they were long-lost relatives. At Sodjärv Lake, which served on multiple occasions as the ethnographers’ base camp, Estonian researchers became accepted by the Vepsians as their own people. It is difficult to gauge precisely the influence that those and later expeditions had on the Vepsian peoples. The Estonians’ visits probably helped to bolster the generally weak self-identity of the Veps people. While the Russians in the region all too often took a supercilious view of the Veps and their language, the ethnographers from Estonia had come to study them precisely because of their identity and held in high regard everything from old peasant culture to the language. Some local people still speak positively about Estonians. The five expeditions to the villages of the southern Vepsian region discussed in this article, their outcome and resonance make up a key part of a cultural current that sprang from Finno-Ugric studies in Soviet Estonia, the best-known examples of which are Lennart Meri’s ethnographic documentary films, the choral music of Veljo Tormis and the graphic art of Kaljo Põllu. Emphasising their Finno-Ugric roots was for Estonians an additional way to express their Estonian identity independent of Soviet rule and ethnographers made a significant contribution to this trend.


Author(s):  
Staša Babić

Archaeology is one of the academic disciplines whose aim is to make sense of the past. Among other things, we organize and classify the material culture of the past into distinctive units according to a number of scholarly established criteria. In the course of the history of the discipline, these criteria have changed, and some of the previously prevailing modes of classification have been severely criticized, above all the concept of archaeological culture (e.g. Jones 1997; Canuto and Yaeger 2000; Isbell 2000; Thomas 2000; Lucy 2005). These reconsiderations have brought forward that the past may not have been as orderly organized and readily packed into the units we have designed to manipulate and explain its material traces. Consequently, we have started investigating other possible paths of thinking about the lived experiences of the people whose actions we seek to understand (e.g. Díaz-Andreu et al. 2005; Insoll 2007). However, some of the archaeological practices of organizing our subject of study have remained largely unchanged from the very beginnings of our discipline to the present day, such as defining one of the very basic units of observation—an archaeological site. The archaeological process may be said to begin ‘at the trowel’s edge’ (Hodder 1999, 92ff.), by distinguishing the features in the soil indicative of past human activities and demarcating their spatial limits. This basic anchoring in the spatial dimension, regardless of subsequent procedures, that may vary significantly depending upon the theoretical and methodological inclinations of the researcher(s) in question (Jones 2002; Lucas 2001; 2012), renders the past tangible and manageable, transforming a patch of land into an object of study, further scrutinized according to a set of rules laid down by archaeologists. Once investigated in their physical form in the field, the sites are converted into a set of information, analysed, commented upon and valorized both by archaeologists and the general public. In the process, some are judged to be more important than the others and lists of particularly valuable sites are compiled, such as the UNESCO World Heritage List.


Africa ◽  
1990 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 270-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Barbara Frank

Opening ParagraphIn studies of change in indigenous political organisations under the impact of colonial administration, the precolonial situation in Africa is often depicted as essentially static. Anthropologists tend to project a relatively ‘uninfluenced’ state of affairs from the early colonial period into the past. Change seems to occur under European influence. This picture is the result less of the conviction of the authors that conditions were static than of a lack of information on precolonial development. This is especially true for ‘acephalous’ societies; centralised societies often possess detailed traditions concerning their institutional history. In the following case, of the political development of a village in the Nigerian Middle Belt, it has been possible to record precolonial changes of organisation in an acephalous society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
pp. 119
Author(s):  
Nenggih Susilowati

AbstractMegalithic culture or tradition is generally accepted as an animism mixed with the long-disapeared Hindu-Buddha beliefs remains as Islam penetrated. The megalithic concept or cultural elements that have existed and rooted in the followers still show a connection with the past. The material culture contains positive values related with the people. Such values are traditional value, law, democracy, togetherness, and wisdom of the surrounding. Explorative-descriptive reseach method with inductive reasoning is used in this paper.AbstrakSecara umum budaya atau tradisi megalitik yang sering dikaitkan dengan kepercayaan animisme, yang sebagian bercampur dengan sisa-sisa kepercayaan Hindu-Buddha telah lama menghilang dalam kehidupan masyarakat Mandailing, bersamaan dengan masuknya pengaruh Islam. Namun demikian konsep maupun unsur budaya yang pernah ada dan mengakar pada masyarakatnya, menyebabkan sebagian bentuk budaya material maupun tradisinya masih menampakkan hubungan dengan budaya masa lalunya. Di dalam budaya materiil tersebut terkandung nilai-nilai budaya yang positif berkaitan dengan kehidupan masyarakatnya. Nilai-nilai itu meliputi nilai adat, hukum, demokrasi, gotong-royong, dan kearifan terhadap alam lingkungannya. Penulisan bertipe eksploratif-deskriptif menggunakan alur penalaran induktif.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-9
Author(s):  
Wahyudi Akmaliah

For the victims of atrocities, the past is not the past: it remains a trauma. The more they try to forget, the more entrenched their memories become. Hence, memory is a means for sustaining their quest for justicea way victims and their advocates can keep faith in their pursuit of truth, accountability and legal restitution. Unlike the situation during the Suharto presidency when the Indonesian people were silenced, this paper is now able to examine the memories, now articulated, of the people a?ected by the Tanjung Priok tragedy, which have appeared since Suhartos fall. This gives momentum to a new phase of political development in which Indonesians, particularly the victims of violence, may break their silence to pursue justice. The following questions need to be asked: what are the circumstances that have encouraged the victims to articulate their memories in the 17 years since Suhartos departure? In what way have they kept their memories fresh? This paper argues that the main reason they articulate their memory is because of the traumas that always haunted them during the Suharto presidency. The trauma and injustices experienced; the torture, gaol, and the stigma attached to them by the Suharto regimes propaganda, all ensured that the general Indonesian social memory of the events at Tanjung Priok was false and distorted. But those sites of memory, the rites, monuments, and memoirs served to strengthen the articulation of those memories to enable some redress after Suharto regime had ended.


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