Politicized Democracy: Competition, Institutions, and “Civic Fatigue” in Brazil

1991 ◽  
Vol 33 (3) ◽  
pp. 75-112 ◽  
Author(s):  
Timothy J. Power

Brazil began the 1990s the same way it began the 1980s: in crisis. A decade ago, popular dissatisfaction with the performance of the political system was at an all-time high. As the legitimacy of the military regime installed in 1964 gradually dissipated, political and military elites turned their attention to the question of what kind of regime would be able to replace the one which was disintegrating. In one important aspect their vision coincided with the aspirations of the general population: the new political regime would have to be based on increased competition. Military elites would yield executive power, and the civilian politicians replacing them would agree to submit themselves to the popular verdict.

Author(s):  
Anastasia Repetska

One of the main characteristics of any political regime is the power correlation between the legislative and executive branches of state power. In a democratic environment, it should reflect a certain balance of branches of power.The Constitution of Ukraine has defined the principle of separation of power into legislative, executive and judicial (art. 6), each of them is independent from the other one and acts within its competence. Theoretically fixed in the Constitution principles of power separation aim between legislative and executive branches. However in the conditions of social-economic crisis, in which the country has been acting since 1990s, between multi-vectored political forces and striving of executive power for widening of its authorities, that is fixed in the Constitution, the presidential-parliamentary form of administration very often has led not only to constitutional cooperation of powers but to the competition between the President and executive power on the one hand, and Verhovna Rada, on the other hand. So, today the need for reconsideration of both the correlation of authorities and cooperation between branches of power in Ukraine has become obvious. Keywords: legislative branch of government, executive branch of government, cooperation, political system.


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


Author(s):  
Ross McKibbin

This book is an examination of Britain as a democratic society; what it means to describe it as such; and how we can attempt such an examination. The book does this via a number of ‘case-studies’ which approach the subject in different ways: J.M. Keynes and his analysis of British social structures; the political career of Harold Nicolson and his understanding of democratic politics; the novels of A.J. Cronin, especially The Citadel, and what they tell us about the definition of democracy in the interwar years. The book also investigates the evolution of the British party political system until the present day and attempts to suggest why it has become so apparently unstable. There are also two chapters on sport as representative of the British social system as a whole as well as the ways in which the British influenced the sporting systems of other countries. The book has a marked comparative theme, including one chapter which compares British and Australian political cultures and which shows British democracy in a somewhat different light from the one usually shone on it. The concluding chapter brings together the overall argument.


2021 ◽  
pp. 019251212096737
Author(s):  
Gianfranco Baldini ◽  
Edoardo Bressanelli ◽  
Emanuele Massetti

This article investigates the impact of Brexit on the British political system. By critically engaging with the conceptualisation of the Westminster model proposed by Arend Lijphart, it analyses the strains of Brexit on three dimensions developed from from Lijphart’s framework: elections and the party system, executive– legislative dynamics and the relationship between central and devolved administrations. Supplementing quantitative indicators with an in-depth qualitative analysis, the article shows that the process of Brexit has ultimately reaffirmed, with some important caveats, key features of the Westminster model: the resilience of the two-party system, executive dominance over Parliament and the unitary character of the political system. Inheriting a context marked by the progressive weakening of key majoritarian features of the political system, the Brexit process has brought back some of the traditional executive power-hoarding dynamics. Yet, this prevailing trend has created strains and resistances that keep the political process open to different developments.


1970 ◽  
Vol 64 (3) ◽  
pp. 754-771 ◽  
Author(s):  
Raymond F. Hopkins

The study of politics in “developing” countries has tended to focus on the less formal organs of government, such as political parties, the military, the bureaucracy, and even the educational system. National legislatures have often been ignored or rated of little significance in the political processes of these states. This practice contrasts markedly with the attention paid to legislatures in Western states. The most obvious explanation for it is that legislatures in new states tend to have little influence. Important decisions and shifts in power are usually made or recorded elsewhere in the political system.The Bunge, or National Assembly, of Tanzania is no exception to this general phenomenon. Nevertheless, an examination of the role of M.P.'s in Tanzania can be illuminating. The Bunge contains most of the major political leaders and has, at least constitutionally, broad authority. As a consequence, if the Assembly is to be only a weak political body, then informal norms limiting the powers of the M.P.'s role must exist. Moreover, these norms should prescribe authority relationships between the legislature and other policy shaping bodies in the political system, particularly the Party. Thus, an analysis of the roles of these men can provide important insights not only into the functions of the Bunge, but also into the elite political culture of Tanzania and the pattern of politics which this culture supports.


Author(s):  
Y. S. Kudryashova

During the government of AK Party army leaders underprivileged to act as an exclusive guarantor preserving a secular regime in the country. The political balance between Secular and Islamite elites was essentially removed after Erdogan was elected Turkish President. Consistently toughening authoritarian regime of a ruling party deeply accounts for a military coup attempt and earlier periodically occurred disturbance especially among the young. The methods of a coup showed the profundity of a split and the lack of cohesion in Turkish armed forces. Erdogan made the best use of a coup attempt’s opportunities to concentrate all power in his hands and to consolidate a present regime. The mass support of the population during a coup attempt ensured opportunities for a fundamental reorganization of a political system. Revamped Constitution at most increases political powers of the President.


2017 ◽  
pp. 219
Author(s):  
Freddy Timmermann

El autor aborda la temática denominada “el factor Pinochet”, más allá de su presencia física directa en los espacios de poder, sino más bien como una herencia política de su régimen dictatorial, en alianzas con las élites políticas y económicas de Chile. Como se señala, pareciera ser que hemos heredado una cultura autoritaria que traspasa las fronteras temporales del período del régimen militar y se instala en una debilitada democracia actual.Palabras clave Pinochet / autoritarismo / élites / poder / políticaAbstract:The author approaches the topic denominated “Pinochet factor”, beyond his direct physical presence in the spaces of power, but rather like a political inheritance of his dictatorial regime, in alliances with the political and economic elites of Chile. As it is shown, it seemed to be that we have inherited an authoritarian culture that transfers the temporary borders of the period of the military regime and it settles in a weakened present democracy.Keywords Pinochet / authoritarianism / elites / power / politics


Author(s):  
Oleksandr Zaruba

The article deals with the theoretical foundations of leadership, Ukrainian historical traditions and contemporary state of practical use and teaching of leadership in military educational institu-tions with the aim to form pro-active officer cadre, with further employment in bodies of executive power and participation in the political system of the state. Key words: top military brass, high brass, transaction leadership, transforma-tional leadership, critical approach, reforms in the defense and security sector.


Author(s):  
Elena Sevostyanova ◽  
Olesya Ul'yanova

The object of this research is the regional charity and its transformation after February 1917, while the subject is the public charity in Transbaikal during the Civil War and political regime of the ataman G. Semenov. The research relies on the archival sources and periodical press materials. Using the systematic methodological principle, the topic is viewed in strong correlation with the events that unfolded in the society, taking into account structural, genetic, and functional relationships. The article is divided into parts, each of which reflects one of the facets of the articulated problem: disastrous fall in living standards of the population, household difficulties and psychological state peculiarities; crisis of the system of state care and collapse of the imperial system of organized public charity; public initiatives in the sphere of charity (forms, main recipients); “techniques” for encouraging charity used by the administration of the ataman G. Semenov. The conclusion is made that charitable activity overall during the political regime of the ataman G. Semenov retained. This was important, particularly in the conditions of declining living standards and growing number of destitute people, given that the circle of those eligible for receiving welfare has reduced, including for ideological reasons. The main recipients of public charity remained the orphans. Charity events for the own benefit, conducted by the educational institutions and ethnic diasporas, became a noticeable trend. The charity evenings for supporting the military, which in the early going appeared to be unregulated by Semenov’s administration, were prohibited. The authorities, interested in retaining public charity, often resorted to coercive measures fort its stimulation, including threats to habitual activity of the residents. The population was actively forced to donate for the army. The article reveals the methods of psychological pressure and coercion applied to population for participating in charity activities.


Author(s):  
Nataliya M. Velikaya ◽  
◽  
Irina S. Shushpanova ◽  
Vladimir A. Afanas’ev ◽  
◽  
...  

The article analyzes the socio-political views of Russian citizens about the future of the Russian state and Russian society. Analyzing the dynamic data series of the monitoring “How do you Live, Russia?” and its last wave of November–December 2020, the authors consider the changes in mass consciousness in terms of assessing the effectiveness of the government’s efforts to ensure the most important rights, freedoms and norms of the social state and the democratic regime, which manifests itself in the attitude to the existing political system and affects the level of trust in the government, where the executive power traditionally leads. Identifying the expectations of Russian citizens about the possible development of the country in the political, economic and cultural spheres, the authors conclude that the level of socio-political optimism allows one to describe the existing political system as fairly stable, on the one hand, with a high level of legitimation, on the other with a high level of alienation of citizens from power


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