Organization of the Indonesian Elections

1955 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 1067-1084 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Bone
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
Trained Personnel ◽  
The Government

Last September 29th, with over forty million voters eligible, Indonesia initiated its first parliamentary election since independence. Although the election of the 260-member, unicameral Parliament concluded November 29th, December 15th sees the voters again casting their ballots—this time for a 520-member constituent assembly charged with drafting Indonesia's first permanent constitution.The struggle to carry out elections has been a difficult and protracted one. It has required a decade of strenuous effort characterized by armed struggle, domestic insecurity, shortages of trained personnel and equipment, problems of communication between the nation's hundreds of islands scattered over 3,000 miles from east to west, an overwhelmingly illiterate electorate and, recently at least, reluctance on the part of certain influential groups to hasten matters.Whatever may be the outcome, the intent to hold elections has been present ever since the Indonesian Republic proclaimed its independence from the Netherlands on August 17, 1945. In a decree issued on November 3, 1945, for example, the Government of the Indonesian Republic avowed its intent to execute “the elections for members of the peoples' representative bodies in the month of January, 1946.” The decree in question was issued for the unique purpose of urging the formation of political parties.

scholarly journals ANALYSIS OF POLITICAL GEOGRAPHY IN THE BY-ELECTION IN PARLIAMENT OF TANJONG PIAI, JOHOR

2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (20) ◽  
pp. 14-56
Author(s):  
Junaidi Awang Besar
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Political Geography ◽  
Strong Support ◽  
The State ◽  
Parliamentary Election ◽  
Electoral Geography ◽  
Ethnic Chinese ◽  
Geographical Patterns ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Government

Political geography is one of the aspects of human geography that is a larger study, but it contains more specific elements. Political geography focuses on political phenomena and focuses on the structure of the institution and how it is involved in the formation of geographical patterns and relationships. In this paper, two aspects of political geography will be explored in the by-election of the Tanjong Piai parliamentary, namely geopolitics and electoral geography. Geopolitics means the influence of power on an area in terms of ethnicity, political parties, leaders, governments, and local authorities. Election geography is a field of study on the various aspects of geography such as area, borders, population, development, and economic influence on political trends of the state. It is well known that the BN won the Tanjong Piai parliamentary seat in the 2019 by-election and the seat is won by the PH in 2018. The post-election 2018 sees the Tanjong Piai Parliamentary Election on November 16, 2019. BN/MCA candidate Datuk Seri Dr. Wee Jeck Seng won the Tanjong Piai parliamentary by-election with 15,086 votes after gaining 25,466 votes. Thus, the geopolitical aspects that will be uncovered are the influence of ethnic geopolitics, political parties, and leaders in influencing the election results and voting patterns while the geographical aspects of the electorate that will be elaborated in this paper are mapping in terms of area influence (development), border, location (urban-rural), accessible, physical (natural and man-made). In terms of geopolitics ethnicity, found both ethnic Malay and Chinese support BN/MCA ethnic Chinese caused by the candidates and the identification of a party in the by-election of Parliament for Tanjong Piai while the electoral geography, in the polling district outside the city, the majority of ethnic Malays continued strong support BN/MCA while the town/urban where the majority of ethnic Chinese took place a little swing of PH in the BN/MCA caused by the candidates, the socio-economic situation and current issues in favor of the BN/MCA. One of the main factors contributing to the Barisan Nasional’s majority in the Tanjung Piai by-election on Nov 16 was because of its candidate Datuk Seri Dr. Wee Jeck Seng himself. The charm, popularity, and service of Wee, who has been a member of the state legislative assembly of the Pekan Nenas for three years, and the Tanjung Piai MP for two terms, certainly met the level of community satisfaction there. The former Tanjung Piai MP is seen as more experienced, credible, and friendly than Pakatan Harapan (PH) candidate Karmaine Sardini. Wee Jeck Seng’s personal and BN’s machine power-assisted by PAS through the cooperation of the Muafakat Nasional is considered to be the key factor in winning the BN. Jeck Seng’s strength is also reflected in the BN and PAS’s unified machine power which was successfully consolidated through the Muafakat Nasional. This factor is significant because the UMNO and PAS machinery are seen as working hard to ensure that all white voters are cast out, despite the Tanjung Piai parliamentary seat being contested by MCA candidates. Moreover, issues of anger and frustration of the people and especially the Chinese community over the failure of the government to deal with the rising cost of living, the promise of the 14th General Election (GE14) manifesto were not met and the failure of the PH to address sensational issues played by BN also contributed to the defeating factor for PH this time. PH candidates are also seen to be caught up in the issue of their own mistakes as well as the wisdom of the BN machinery to play negative issues involving the PH Government which ultimately influences the electorate.

scholarly journals Results of the Parliamentary Elections in Netherland and their Impact on Russian-Netherlands Relations

2021 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 22-29
Author(s):  
Boris Guseletov
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Election Campaign ◽  
Right Wing ◽  
Parliamentary Elections ◽  
Economic Relations ◽  
People's Party ◽  
Election Results ◽  
The Government ◽  
The Right

The article examines the results of the parliamentary elections in the Netherlands, held on March 15-17, 2021. It compares the results of the leading political parties in the elections of 2017 and 2021, and describes all the leading Dutch political parties that were represented in parliament in the period from 2017 to 2021. The results of the activities of the government headed by the leader of the “People’s Party for Freedom and Democracy” M. Rutte, formed following the results of the 2017 elections, are presented. The reasons for the resignation of this government, which took place on the eve of the elections, and its impact on the course of the election campaign are revealed. It was noted how the coronavirus pandemic and the government’s actions to overcome its consequences affected the course and results of the election campaign. The activity of the main opposition parties in this country is evaluated: the right-wing Eurosceptic Freedom Party of Wilders, the center-left Labor Party and others. The course of the election campaign and its main topics, as well as the new political parties that were elected to the parliament as a result of these elections, are considered. The positions of the country’s leading political parties on their possible participation in the new government coalition are shown. The state of Russian-Dutch relations is analyzed. A forecast is given of how the election results will affect the formation of the new government of this country and the political, trade and economic relations between Russia and the Netherlands.

scholarly journals ENGLISH: Islamizing Pakistan: The concept of Islamic Constitution Theory and Practice

rahatulquloob ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 24-39
Author(s):  
Muhammad Essa ◽  
Dr. Ammanullah Khan
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
The State ◽  
Theory And Practice ◽  
Islamic State ◽  
Basic Principles ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Government ◽  
Set Up ◽  
Different Cultures

Pakistan after independence faced many problems ranging from the settlement of refugees to the fragile economy and unsteady defence. One of the major issues was the framing of constitution as immediately after separation from India, Pakistan faced a severe challenge of unity. Pakistan was a diverse country with two geographically separated wings, different cultures, divergent languages and separate provinces. The Constituent Assembly which was set up under Indian Independence Act 1947 faced this huge responsibility to provide a document on which the country could be run. Regarding character of the state of Pakistan; the religio-political Parties, Jamiat Ulama-i-Islam (JUI) and Jamat-i-Islami (JI) argued that Pakistan means the land of pure; therefore, in order to bring purity, Pakistan should be made an Islamic state. In it, the affairs of the government should be run according to Quran and Sunnah. In this way the constitution of this newly created state of Muslims should be Islamic in its nature. The rationale put forward was twofold i.e. they (Muslims) achieved Pakistan in the name of Islam and Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, had promised that an Islamic system would be introduced in the newly established state. Secondly, according to them, Islam provides a complete code of life and it had laid basic principles in each aspect of life including the basic guidance for formulating an Islamic Constitution. This article deals with the theoretical and practical aspects of the Islamic Constitution propounded by the scholars of JUI, JI and comparative analysis has been drawn in this regard.

scholarly journals National Leader of Yakutia G.V. Ksenofontov and Political Parties in 1917

2020 ◽  
pp. 57-61
Author(s):  
Albina Nikolayevna Dyachkova ◽  
Natalya Nikolayevna Radchenko
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Labor Union ◽  
Local Population ◽  
Negative Attitude ◽  
The Political ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Federalist ◽  
Federalist Party ◽  
The Government

The present study examines the attitude of one of the national leaders of Yakutia G.V. Ksenofontov to the political parties operating in the Yakutsk region in 1917. A lawyer and politician G.V. Ksenofontov became one of the founders of the national party – the Yakut Labor Union of Federalists, whose pro-gram combined the ideas of a federal structure of Russia, Siberian regionalism and popular socialism. The analysis of the archives and periodicals shows that the Yakut Federalists collaborated with the So-cialist-Revolutionary Party, were involved in a politi-cal struggle against local organizations of the Ka-dets and Social Democrats. G.V. Ksenofontov was nominated as a candidate for membership in the Constituent Assembly from the Federalist Party. During the pre-election campaign, an active polemic was waged, the Federalists criticized the Kadets and Social Democrats for their negative attitude towards the idea of federation. The Party of People's Free-dom was perceived as bourgeois, and in the ideolo-gy of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party the leaders of ethnic intelligentsia were repulsed by the orientation of the Social Democrats towards the proletariat, which was practically absent in the Ya-kutsk region. The bloc of Socialist-Revolutionaries and Federalists operated in the government bodies and in the elections to the Constituent Assembly. The election results showed that the union of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Federalists enjoyed support of the local population. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the history of Yakutia during the Russian Revolution of 1917 had its own characteristics. G.V. Ksenofontov contributed heavi-ly to the political development of the region, his activity as the leader of the Federalist Party and a candidate for membership in the Constituent As-sembly promoted an increase in the level of political literacy of the population, prepared the Yakut socie-ty for the transition to a new level of its develop-ment, for the formation of statehood, the creation of Yakutsk Autonomous Soviet Socialistic Republic.

scholarly journals Prithvi Narayan Shah and Postcolonial Resistance

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hem Raj Kafle
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Federal Republic ◽  
Coalition Government ◽  
Peace Accord ◽  
Constituent Assembly ◽  
The Government ◽  
New Phase

Nepalese monarchy fell under an inextricable political array after April 2006 as the country took radical directions in the hands of political parties. First, the reinstated parliament declared the country secular in June 2006, which undermined the religious-political significance attributed to Hindu kings. Second, the Maoists successively signed the Comprehensive Peace Accord with the government (November, 2006), and joined the parliament (January, 2007) and the coalition government (March, 2007). Third, the first historic constituent assembly elections took place (April, 2008). Then the constituent assembly declared the country a republic and formally abolished the monarchy (May, 2008). In other words, a collective upsurge of April 2006, which had started to fight monarchy, ended up abolishing in two years. Thereafter the country headed towards a new phase of history with a collective political thrust for restructuration into a federal republic. DOI: 10.3126/bodhi.v2i1.2867 Bodhi Vol.2(1) 2008 p.136-147

scholarly journals “This is the Soul of Aruba Speaking”

2016 ◽  
Vol 90 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 195-224 ◽  
Author(s):  
Chelsea Schields
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
The Netherlands ◽  
Sexual Politics ◽  
Oil Refining ◽  
Protest Movement ◽  
Netherlands Antilles ◽  
The Government

In 1951, at the onset of major decolonization initiatives in the Netherlands Antilles, thousands of residents on Aruba successfully joined in protest to defeat Campo Alegre, a proposed brothel near the Aruban oil-refining city of San Nicolas. This article considers the protest movement within the context of Antillean decolonization and argues that debates over sexual politics played an important role in popularizing an Aruban identity separate from neighboring Curaçao—then seat of the government of the Netherlands Antilles and site of the first Campo Alegre brothel. Through analysis of Aruban archival sources, this article examines how the protest movement exploited decolonization policy while also drawing on the rhetoric of leading local political parties who claimed racial and cultural superiority to Curaçao.

RELASI ULAMA DAN PENGUASA MASA KOLONIALISME

2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 126-134
Author(s):  
Agung Perdana Kusuma
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Private Sector ◽  
General Public ◽  
18Th Century ◽  
The Government ◽  
Colonial Government ◽  
The Way

In the 18th century, although the Dutch Company controlled most of the archipelago, the Netherlands also experienced a decline in trade. This was due to the large number of corrupt employees and the fall in the price of spices which eventually created the VOC. Under the rule of H.W. Daendels, the colonial government began to change the way of exploitation from the old conservative way which focused on trade through the VOC to exploitation managed by the government and the private sector. Ulama also strengthen their ties with the general public through judicial management, and compensation, and waqaf assets, and by leading congregational prayers and various ceremonies for celebrating birth, marriage and death. Their links with a large number of artisans, workers (workers), and the merchant elite were very influential.

Framed between change and stability Syria between people's revolution and regime survival Atrapados entre el cambio y la estabilidad: Siria entre la revolución popular y la supervivencia del régimen Entre changement et stabilité : La Syrie entre révolution populaire et survie du régime

2012 ◽  
Vol 2 (3) ◽  
pp. 118-137 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gilberto Conde
Keyword(s):  
First Year ◽  
Cultural Hegemony ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
Ideological Struggle ◽  
Regime Survival ◽  
The Government ◽  
Two Sides ◽  
Los Grupos ◽  
Large Sections

The ideological struggle deployed between the Syrian opposition groups and the government during the first year of the Syrian popular uprising is examined in this paper. Force alone was not enough for the regime to crush the revolt, at least during its first twelve months, while protesters were unable to bring down the government. The battle for cultural hegemony had to be won by one of the two sides. Protesters and the regime alike had to deploy their discourses along frames that resonated with the values, hopes and fears of Syrians. The effectiveness of the regime in securing the support of large sections of urban dwellers and its systematic violent repression led to frustration on the part of demonstrators, who ended up supporting at least morally the armed struggle. A stalemate was reached. This led to divergent framing activity within the opposition, which in turn led to its division.Spanish El artículo examina la lucha ideológica que se dio entre los grupos sirios de oposición y el gobierno durante el primer año del levantamiento popular en Siria. Durante los primeros 12 meses a partir de marzo de 2011, al régimen no le bastó con la fuerza bruta para aplastar la revuelta, aunque los manifestantes tampoco lograron tumbar al gobierno. Se dio un combate por la hegemonía cultural y uno de los bandos necesitaba ganarla. Tanto los opositores como el régimen frasearon sus discursos alrededor de aristas conceptuales (frames) en armonía con los valores, esperanzas y temores de la población siria. La e ficacia del régimen en obtener el apoyo de amplios sectores de los habitantes de las principales ciudades y la represión violenta sistemática condujeron a un sentimiento de frustración entre los manifestantes, que terminaron ofreciendo un apoyo al menos moral a la lucha armada. Se llegó a un impasse. Esto a su vez llevó a que diferentes grupos de oposición reconstruyeran su discurso en torno de aristas distintas, lo que generó división.French L'article étudie la lu e idéologique menée entre les groupes d'opposition et le gouvernement pendant la première année du soulèvement populaire en Syrie. Pendant les douze premiers mois, à dater du mois de mars de 2011, la force brute n'a pas suffiau régime pour écraser le mouvement, bien que les manifestants à leur tour n'aient pas réussi à faire tomber le gouvernement. Une lu e pour l'hégémonie culturelle s'est développée et un des deux côtés devait la gagner. L'opposition ainsi que le régime ont encadré (frame) leurs discours de sorte à qu'ils parlent aux valeurs, espoirs et peurs des syriens. Le succès du régime à gagner l'appui (ou le recul) de grands secteurs de la population des villes principales et la répression violente systématique ont produit un sentiment de frustration parmi les manifestants, qui ont fini par soutenir la lu e armée au moins moralement. La situation est arrivée à une impasse. Dans cet état, différents groupes d'opposition ont reformulé leurs discours au tour d'encadrements divergents, ce qui a mené à leur division.

scholarly journals Migrants’ and Natives’ Attitudes toward Public Healthcare Provision in Denmark, Germany, and the Netherlands

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Verena Seibel ◽  
Jeanette A J Renema
Keyword(s):  
The Netherlands ◽  
Welfare States ◽  
Public Healthcare ◽  
Healthcare Provision ◽  
Level Of Satisfaction ◽  
Health Differences ◽  
Socialization Processes ◽  
The Government ◽  
Migrant Groups ◽  
European Welfare States

Abstract Public healthcare is still one of the main pillars of European welfare states, despite the increasing number of migrants, we know little about migrants’ attitudes toward healthcare. We used recent data from the MIFARE survey and compared natives with a variety of nine migrant groups living in Denmark, Germany, and the Netherlands, focusing on migrants’ preferred level of governmental involvement and their satisfaction with public healthcare. We found that, compared to natives, migrants held the government less responsible for providing healthcare while expressing a higher level of satisfaction. Whereas health differences among migrants and natives did not explain this ethnic gap, we found that these ethnic gaps are moderated by socialization processes and knowledge of healthcare rights.

U.S. Policy Towards Angola Since 1975

1992 ◽  
Vol 30 (1) ◽  
pp. 31-52 ◽  
Author(s):  
Inge Tvedten
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
New York ◽  
Political Stability ◽  
Economic Recovery ◽  
The South ◽  
Peace Agreement ◽  
Armed Struggle ◽  
South Africans ◽  
The Government

It is generally agreed that the battle of Cuito Cuanavale in March 1988 marked the final attempt to secure a military solution to the Angolan conflict. Thereafter, in December 1988, South Africa, Cuba, and Angola signed the so-called ‘New York accord’ that included a timetable for the phased withdrawal of the South Africans and the Cubans from Namibia and Angola, respectively; in June 1989, the Gbadolite agreement initiated African attempts to end the continuing armed struggle in Angola; and in March 1990, Namibia achieved its long-awaited independence. But despite these efforts and developments, the war continued between the Government that had been established in Luanda by the Movimento Popular de Libertacão de Angola (M.P.L.A.) in November 1975 and the União Nacional para a Independência Total de Angola (Unita), with devastating implications for the country's estimated ten million inhabitants. Not before May 1991 was a final peace agreement signed in Portugal, and then with considerably poorer options for political stability and economic recovery than would have been the case after the original accord in New York.

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