scholarly journals Prithvi Narayan Shah and Postcolonial Resistance

1970 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 136-147 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hem Raj Kafle

Nepalese monarchy fell under an inextricable political array after April 2006 as the country took radical directions in the hands of political parties. First, the reinstated parliament declared the country secular in June 2006, which undermined the religious-political significance attributed to Hindu kings. Second, the Maoists successively signed the Comprehensive Peace Accord with the government (November, 2006), and joined the parliament (January, 2007) and the coalition government (March, 2007). Third, the first historic constituent assembly elections took place (April, 2008). Then the constituent assembly declared the country a republic and formally abolished the monarchy (May, 2008). In other words, a collective upsurge of April 2006, which had started to fight monarchy, ended up abolishing in two years. Thereafter the country headed towards a new phase of history with a collective political thrust for restructuration into a federal republic. DOI: 10.3126/bodhi.v2i1.2867 Bodhi Vol.2(1) 2008 p.136-147

1955 ◽  
Vol 49 (4) ◽  
pp. 1067-1084 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert C. Bone

Last September 29th, with over forty million voters eligible, Indonesia initiated its first parliamentary election since independence. Although the election of the 260-member, unicameral Parliament concluded November 29th, December 15th sees the voters again casting their ballots—this time for a 520-member constituent assembly charged with drafting Indonesia's first permanent constitution.The struggle to carry out elections has been a difficult and protracted one. It has required a decade of strenuous effort characterized by armed struggle, domestic insecurity, shortages of trained personnel and equipment, problems of communication between the nation's hundreds of islands scattered over 3,000 miles from east to west, an overwhelmingly illiterate electorate and, recently at least, reluctance on the part of certain influential groups to hasten matters.Whatever may be the outcome, the intent to hold elections has been present ever since the Indonesian Republic proclaimed its independence from the Netherlands on August 17, 1945. In a decree issued on November 3, 1945, for example, the Government of the Indonesian Republic avowed its intent to execute “the elections for members of the peoples' representative bodies in the month of January, 1946.” The decree in question was issued for the unique purpose of urging the formation of political parties.


Significance Another field, Chouech Essaida, has been shut since February 28 because of labour unrest. Demonstrations extend beyond the oil and gas sector. Months of protests across Tunisia are beginning to exact a toll on the coalition government as demonstrators return to the streets of the capital to challenge the latest effort to pass a controversial ‘economic reconciliation’ bill that would in effect give amnesty to businessmen who engaged in corrupt practices under the former regime. Impacts The unity of the coalition government will come under further pressure as ministers struggle to respond to demonstrations. Political parties risk becoming more isolated from the electorate without major internal reforms. The government will be tempted to return to more authoritarian techniques of rule as protests deepen.


2018 ◽  
Vol 3 (6) ◽  
Author(s):  
Efriza Efriza

<pre><em><span lang="EN">This paper discusses the relationship between the President and the House of Representatives and the coalition government based on the three years of President Joko Widodo (Jokowi), who was trapped in inter-institutional competition as a consequence of a mixture of presidential and multi-party systems</span></em><em><span lang="IN">.</span></em><em></em><em><span lang="IN">Initialy</span></em><em><span lang="EN">, President Jokowi has the desire to realize a coalition based on ideology and the same program (consensus coalition) between political parties, but the reality, it is difficult to make it happen in government,</span></em><em><span lang="IN"> finally President Jokowi re-elected a coalition of “all parties”</span></em><em><span lang="EN">. </span></em><em><span lang="IN">Using </span></em><em><span lang="EN">some of the basics of Scott Mainwaring and David Altman about presidential and multiparty combination systems and coalitions in presidential systems, complemented by several Coalitions. Then, complete the results of Otto Kirchheimer on Catch All Party, to outline the transformation of the party in this modern era. Accompanied by discussions on political parties in Indonesia, based on Yasraf Amir Piliang's description of political nomadism. Based on the facts and outcomes, a combination of presidential and multiparty systems and the government's management of government by President Jokowi, which manages a "fat" coalition with accommodative leadership and transactional performances. Matters relating to the harmonious relationship between the President and the House of Representatives with the consequence that the President is committed to realizing an unconditional coalition and not for the power-seats. Coalition management can be done because the choice of the party that develops as a supporter of the government is also based not only on the need for political imagery in order to encourage electoral in the political market, but also in the spirit of the party.</span></em><em></em></pre><pre><em><span lang="EN">                                                                                                                          </span></em><span lang="EN">                               </span></pre><pre><strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">Key</span></em></strong><strong><em></em></strong><strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">words</span></em></strong><em><span lang="NO-BOK">: </span></em><em><span lang="EN">Presidential System, Coalition Government, the President-Parliament Relations, Leadership Jokowi </span></em><em></em></pre>


Subject Political parties in democracy. Significance Amid a divisive standoff with the federal government, the leaders of Somalia’s federal member states on October 24 resolved to establish their own political party, the National Progressive Party, to advocate for a "federalist, progressive and consultative agenda". This development could represent a new phase in efforts to institutionalise the role of political parties in Somali politics. However, like other recent formations, it could ultimately remain more firmly grounded in existing models of political competition. Impacts Alliances among Hawiye clan-led political parties may incentivise other elites to create clan-centric formations. Universal suffrage would enhance the agency of political parties and increase the costs of electoral corruption. Conflict between the government and federal member states could derail efforts to adopt a new system in the next elections.


1969 ◽  
Vol 10 (1) ◽  
pp. 115-141 ◽  
Author(s):  
Yeo Kim Wah

Singapore became a distinct crown colony in 1946. Two years later the British Government began to introduce constitutional reforms in the island in accordance with its pledge in 1943 to foster the growth of “(Malaya's) capacity for self-government within the British Empire”. This colonial tutelage assumed two forms. Firstly, the government started to prepare for a fully elected legislature through which to transfer power to the people in the future. Secondly, the people were trained to work a system of democratic elections based on universal suffrage for all British and (after 1948) British Protected Subjects. The process, however, was fairly slow with the result that the governmental system of a normal crown colony remained basically intact in Singapore until 1955. Assisted by an advisory executive council and a legislative council, the governor continued to rule the colony with almost unlimited powers, subject only to the control of the Secretary of State for the Colonies at Whitehall. The legislature did not even have an elected majority until the Rendel Constitution was introduced in April 1955. Under this new constitution, the Labour Front-Alliance coalition government became the first elected government to assume office with a considerable degree of power in its hands.


1992 ◽  
Vol 26 (4) ◽  
pp. 544-558
Author(s):  
Helmuth Schulze-Fielitz

Coalition agreements are resolutions which come into existence for a legislative period fixed by the agreement of two or more political parties. These parties are part of a ‘parliament’, which by a majority vote decides to form and support a government. Such practice, however, can be carried out only by a ‘hung parliament’ consisting of several political parties, each enjoying less than an evident absolute majority, and thus unable to form a government membered by a single political party.Once in existence, the coalition stands as agreed by the parties forming the government. The party members are obliged to co-operate in order to promote the interests of the government of the ‘multi-party-state’, in accordance with the constitution.


rahatulquloob ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 24-39
Author(s):  
Muhammad Essa ◽  
Dr. Ammanullah Khan

Pakistan after independence faced many problems ranging from the settlement of refugees to the fragile economy and unsteady defence. One of the major issues was the framing of constitution as immediately after separation from India, Pakistan faced a severe challenge of unity. Pakistan was a diverse country with two geographically separated wings, different cultures, divergent languages and separate provinces. The Constituent Assembly which was set up under Indian Independence Act 1947 faced this huge responsibility to provide a document on which the country could be run. Regarding character of the state of Pakistan; the religio-political Parties, Jamiat Ulama-i-Islam (JUI) and Jamat-i-Islami (JI) argued that Pakistan means the land of pure; therefore, in order to bring purity, Pakistan should be made an Islamic state. In it, the affairs of the government should be run according to Quran and Sunnah. In this way the constitution of this newly created state of Muslims should be Islamic in its nature. The rationale put forward was twofold i.e. they (Muslims) achieved Pakistan in the name of Islam and Muhammad Ali Jinnah, the founder of Pakistan, had promised that an Islamic system would be introduced in the newly established state. Secondly, according to them, Islam provides a complete code of life and it had laid basic principles in each aspect of life including the basic guidance for formulating an Islamic Constitution. This article deals with the theoretical and practical aspects of the Islamic Constitution propounded by the scholars of JUI, JI and comparative analysis has been drawn in this regard.


Author(s):  
Albina Nikolayevna Dyachkova ◽  
Natalya Nikolayevna Radchenko

The present study examines the attitude of one of the national leaders of Yakutia G.V. Ksenofontov to the political parties operating in the Yakutsk region in 1917. A lawyer and politician G.V. Ksenofontov became one of the founders of the national party – the Yakut Labor Union of Federalists, whose pro-gram combined the ideas of a federal structure of Russia, Siberian regionalism and popular socialism. The analysis of the archives and periodicals shows that the Yakut Federalists collaborated with the So-cialist-Revolutionary Party, were involved in a politi-cal struggle against local organizations of the Ka-dets and Social Democrats. G.V. Ksenofontov was nominated as a candidate for membership in the Constituent Assembly from the Federalist Party. During the pre-election campaign, an active polemic was waged, the Federalists criticized the Kadets and Social Democrats for their negative attitude towards the idea of federation. The Party of People's Free-dom was perceived as bourgeois, and in the ideolo-gy of the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party the leaders of ethnic intelligentsia were repulsed by the orientation of the Social Democrats towards the proletariat, which was practically absent in the Ya-kutsk region. The bloc of Socialist-Revolutionaries and Federalists operated in the government bodies and in the elections to the Constituent Assembly. The election results showed that the union of the Socialist-Revolutionaries and Federalists enjoyed support of the local population. As a result of the study, it was concluded that the history of Yakutia during the Russian Revolution of 1917 had its own characteristics. G.V. Ksenofontov contributed heavi-ly to the political development of the region, his activity as the leader of the Federalist Party and a candidate for membership in the Constituent As-sembly promoted an increase in the level of political literacy of the population, prepared the Yakut socie-ty for the transition to a new level of its develop-ment, for the formation of statehood, the creation of Yakutsk Autonomous Soviet Socialistic Republic.


2000 ◽  
Vol 18 (3) ◽  
pp. 119-136 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ulrich Eith

On 9 November 1989, the government of the German DemocraticRepublic decided to open the Berlin Wall, effectively signaling thecollapse of the socialist system in East Germany. The subsequenttransformation of the country’s political structures, and in particularthat of its political parties, took place in two phases. In the firstphase, directly after the fall of the wall, the GDR’s political systemunderwent a radical democratic and pluralistic overhaul withoutWest German involvement—although the existence of a second Germanstate, the Federal Republic of Germany, naturally influencedthe goals, strategies, and scope of action of the actors concerned.


2008 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 367-389 ◽  
Author(s):  
YOUNGMI KIM

AbstractThis paper examines the internal dynamics of Korean political parties to understand why the minority coalition government of Kim Dae-jung suffered from political stalemate or deadlocks in the legislature. It shows that a focus on the size of the government in terms of a majority status in the legislature does not offer a convincing explanation of why the Kim Dae-jung administration slid towards ungovernability. Instead better insights come from an analysis of party organization, an aspect of party politics rarely examined through in-depth analysis. The paper shows that in terms of the key dimensions of organization (leadership type, factionalism, funding, linkage role) Korean political parties fail to connect citizens to the political system.


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