Value Change in Industrial Societies

1987 ◽  
Vol 81 (4) ◽  
pp. 1289-1319 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ronald Inglehart ◽  
Scott C. Flanagan

Ronald Inglehart has argued that, while most of the major political parties in Western countries tend to be aligned along a social class–based axis, support for new political movements and new political parties largely reflects the tension between materialist and postmaterialist goals and values. This has presented something of a dilemma to the traditional parties, and helps account for the decline of social-class voting. Scott Flanagan takes issue with Inglehart's interpretation in several particulars. Although their views converge in many respects, Flanagan urges conceptual reorientations and adumbrates a different interpretation of post–World War II political development in Europe and Japan.

1966 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 133-152 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. G. Hopkins

This article attempts to contribute towards an understanding of the rise of nationalism in Nigeria and in the Gold Coast by exploring a neglected theme, namely the economic policy of political organizations in the period between the two World Wars. Before about 1918 political organizations did not have a coherent economic policy. After World War I economic problems became more important, and political parties began to take account of them by formulating a programme of economic development. An attempt was made by a man named Tete-Ansa to implement this programme, but he proved unsuccessful. The persistence of economic discontent, together with the failure of moderate leadership, led to the rise of new leaders and to the development of a more radical policy at the close of the 1930's. It was this policy which won mass support, and which played a vital part in the achievement of independence after World War II.


1994 ◽  
Vol 8 (2) ◽  
pp. 195-230 ◽  
Author(s):  
John J. Coleman

The shifting salience of political parties is a central issue in American political development. From the debates over colonial “parties” to debates over the relevance of realignment theory in the 1980s and 1990s, scholars have attempted to assess the impact of political parties on political development. One topic that has provoked particularly extensive debate is the status of parties since World War II. Scholars point to confidence gaps, realignment, and institutional displacement, among other factors, to explain the postwar decline of political parties. But there are problems: Analytical frameworks explaining decline cannot account for recent signs of party resurgence; frameworks explaining resurgence typically account for little of the decline. Those focused on one aspect of the party system (e.g., parties in Congress) rarely offer insights on other aspects (e.g., parties in the electorate). What is needed is an approach that places parties within their structural settings. If these settings change, parties may change.


Author(s):  
Dr Rose Fazli ◽  
Dr Anahita Seifi

The present article is an attempt to offer the concept of political development from a novel perspective and perceive the Afghan Women image in accordance with the aforementioned viewpoint. To do so, first many efforts have been made to elucidate the author’s outlook as it contrasts with the classic stance of the concept of power and political development by reviewing the literature in development and particularly political development during the previous decades. For example Post-World War II approaches to political development which consider political development, from the Hobbesian perspective toward power, as one of the functions of government. However in a different view of power, political development found another place when it has been understood via postmodern approaches, it means power in a network of relationships, not limited to the one-way relationship between ruler and obedient. Therefore newer concept and forces find their way on political development likewise “image” as a considerable social, political and cultural concept and women as the new force. Then, the meaning of “image” as a symbolic one portraying the common universal aspect is explained. The Afghan woman image emphasizing the historic period of 2001 till now is scrutinized both formally and informally and finally the relationship between this reproduced image of Afghan women and Afghanistan political development from a novel perspective of understanding is represented.


Muzikologija ◽  
2008 ◽  
pp. 55-63
Author(s):  
Keti Romanu

This paper describes cultural policy in Greece from the end of World War II up to the fall of the junta of colonels in 1974. The writer's object is to show how the Cold War favoured defeated Western countries, which participated effectively in the globalisation of American culture, as in the Western world de-nazification was transformed into a purge of communism. Using the careers of three composers active in communist resistance organizations as examples (Iannis Xenakis, Mikis Theodorakis and Alecos Xenos), the writer describes the repercussions of this phenomenon in Greek musical life and creativity.


2019 ◽  
pp. 1-14
Author(s):  
Sophia Moskalenko ◽  
Clark McCauley

In Western countries, there are two systems for understanding the world: religion and science. These two systems come together in surprising ways in exploring the power of self-sacrifice and martyrdom. In this chapter, the authors define martyrdom as peaceful and deliberate acceptance of suffering and death for a cause. The story of World War II Warsaw’s physician, author, and Jewish orphanage director Janusz Korczack sets the stage for exploring basic questions of the book: What exactly does martyrdom mean? How do martyrs differ from heroes and victims? How can a larger psychology of self-sacrifice help us understand martyrdom? The chapter ends with a road map for the rest of the book.


2016 ◽  
Vol 9 (10) ◽  
pp. 31
Author(s):  
Kamran Rahmani ◽  
Alireza Azghandi

The theories of Political Development introduced broadly in political studies at the sometime with ending World War II and releasing the third world countries from colonialism. After a long evolution process, the literature and the concept of Political Development declined to democracy. Such an evolution has been along with an increasing trend of democracy in developing countries. During the last century in Iran, a numerous thinking movements have been introduced about this issue. Currently, this question is what achievements have Islamic revolution of Iran according to political aspect and what policies and plans have been used for their goals? The findings of this research show that governments have chosen different approaches after forming and stabilization of Islamic Republic of Iran. The Results also showed that the governments followed their different plans and policies; however, with regards to relative distance of governments approaches with revolution goals, there are many capacities to accomplish political development in Iran. In general, it can be concluded that the Political Development as the focus of reformist thinking has structural and legal challenges (outer barriers). Furthermore, a systematic concept and definition was not presented among the reformist (inner barriers), and mechanisms and indicators of political development were not identified.


Author(s):  
Frederick Cooper

At the end of World War II, Britain and France tried to find new bases for the legitimacy of empire. Their hesitant moves created openings that African political movements exploited. Scholars have tried to capture the excitement of this process, first focusing on the drive to create nation-states, then exploring other possibilities, both regions within territorial states and federations among them. Historians have drawn on archives and interviews as well as a wide variety of texts produced by political movements. Although Africans had long conducted politics through both local idioms and pan-African connections, the postwar openings led political movements to focus on arenas where they could achieve results. In French Africa, this entailed a partially successful struggle for French citizenship, representation in both the French and territorial legislatures, and social and economic equality with other French citizens. Eventually the French government tried to diffuse claim-making by devolving internal autonomy to territorial governments. When Guinea obtained independence in 1958 and other African leaders differed over whether they should create a francophone African federation within a Franco-African confederation or participate as equals in a French federation, the movements shifted to seeking independence and a new relationship with France. Britain failed to get African politicians to focus on local governance. Instead, politicians demanded power in each colony. Meanwhile, Britain tried to appease African social movements with a program of economic development only to face escalating demands and heightened conflict. Although fearful of disorder and corruption, the government decided that the best it could hope for was to have attracted Africans to a British way of life and to achieve friendly relations with African governments that, led by Ghana, came into power.


1979 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Ansgar Beckermann

AbstractFor many years some critically engaged German sociologists have challenged Logical Positivism with the criticism that Positivism’s allegedly neutral conception of science in fact supports conservative or even reactionary political movements. This line of criticism is due, at last in part, to the fact that German scientists became acquainted with the positivistic branch of analytical philosophy after World War II almost exclusively through the works of the liberal-conservative K. R. Popper. Popper, however, is by no means representative of all Positivists. There were influential members of the Vienna Circle who saw a direct connection between the aims of the „scientific world view“ and the endeavour to renew the society on the basis of rational, i.e. socialistic, principles. This connection becomes especially clear in the manifesto Wissenschaftliche Weltauffassung − Der Wiener Kreis which was published in 1929 by Carnap, Hahn and Neurath.


1993 ◽  
Vol 26 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-80 ◽  
Author(s):  
AIE-RIE LEE

Dramatic changes have taken place in sociopolitical value orientations in South Korea throughout the post-World War II period, primarily as a function of intergenerational change and rising levels of education. This article, by using the 1982 Korea Gallup Poll survey and the value change thesis, investigates the distribution of a number of fundamental social values and analyzes the extent to which these social values are persisting and/or changing and how they are related to South Koreans' political orientations, particularly protest potential. Also introduced and analyzed are two major types of Korean values prevalent in contemporary Korea: authoritarianism-libertarianism, and traditional versus modern morality. It is found that value change plays an important role in enhancing the potential for involvement in protest activities in South Korea.


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