The German Question

1948 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 120-126
Author(s):  
Waldemar Gurian

The extraordinarily difficult, almost exasperating character of the German Question is created by its many various aspects. There is the economic one: what are the relations between German and European, as well as world economies? Would not an economically strong Germany upset foreign markets and make other countries dependent upon her? There is the political issue: what ought to be the position of Germany in Europe? Is Germany able and willing to participate in a balance of power system, or would she invariably try to use her power exclusively for her own advantage? What role will Germany play in the conflict between East and West? There are problems of German internal organizations and frontiers: is a unified Germany not a constant threat to world peace? But does not a dismemberment of Germany create an eternal irredenta? There are moral and intellectual issues: what role has National Socialism played in German history? Will it not come back again, perhaps under another name, as soon as some external restraints are removed? Or is National Socialism, with its aggression and terror, only an accident for which non-Germans are at least as responsible as the Germans themselves? Have we the right to make Germans particularly accountable for a general development which only manifested itself first in Germany, and victimized the German people itself?

1942 ◽  
Vol 36 (3) ◽  
pp. 460-470 ◽  
Author(s):  
F. W. Kaufmann

Next to Hegel and Nietzsche, Fichte is the German philosopher most frequently blamed as one of the principal inspirers of the National Socialist ideologies of state despotism and the superiority of the German people. Indeed, it is not difficult to find in Fichte's work any number of passages which might be interpreted in such a way as to corroborate these views. In the writings of his middle period, around 1800, Fichte arrives at a despotism of reason which in its practical application might be even more consistently restraining than the rule of our modern dictators. In his programmatic speeches for the restoration of the German nation, he ascribes to his people a divine mission which has shocked many of his interpreters. Therefore we cannot be surprised that historians who, in accordance with the demands of their profession, lay more stress on the effects of thoughts and actions than on the intentions which motivate them, attribute to Fichte a good share of responsibility for the ideology of the National Socialist party and its hold on the German people. Yet these historians are right only with regard to the external form, while the intended aims of the two systems of thought are diametrically opposed to one another.On the whole, Fichte is a moral idealist whose principal concerns are the political and inner freedom of the individual, the right and duty of the individual to contribute his best to the welfare and the cultural progress of his nation, the independence of all nationalities, social security, and an acceptable standard of living for every human being. These demands are based on a genuine respect for the dignity of man and the desire to contribute to the rule of humanitarian values in all human relations. The National Socialist, on the contrary, is fundamentally an egotistic materialist, a ruthless Herrenmensch, with a deep-rooted contempt for freedom, equality, and all humanitarian values.


2019 ◽  
pp. 247-284
Author(s):  
م.د.فاتن محمد رزاق

The concept of tolerance is gaining its importance in the midst of an international society suffering from violence, wars and internal and international crises. It is practiced by extremist and extremist forces and movements acting in the name of religion to exclude the different Muslim and non-Muslim people according to the unethical practices and methodologies of Islamic law and reality. , Cultural, civilization .. that distinguish our world today. The society today is suffering from the ideas of the intellectual and aesthetic views of the different ideologically, ethnically, culturally and religiously in the world of the South. This is what the end-of-history thesis of Fukuyama and the clash of civilizations represented to Huntington. Therefore, it is necessary to confront these extremist and extremist ideas and behaviors. Peace, security and freedom in the international community of justice and equality, needs to be addressed intellectual, cultural, moral and political before they are legal, these treatments are based on dialogue and cooperation and trust and respect and mutual recognition and tolerance so we find the importance of tolerance to The international community is concerned about the need for mechanisms that confront terrorism and violence with an ideology based on respect for the right of diversity, diversity and pluralism. Accordingly, tolerance is a political, cultural and moral necessity based on international legal foundations represented by the United Nations. Through its conferences, declarations and international resolutions issued by it and its specialized agencies, culminating in the Universal Declaration of Tolerance and the International Day of International Peace, and the political foundations represented by democracy and global citizenship that respects all identities and seeks to respect the rights of other identities under the umbrella of international identity Nsanhuahdh respects everyone, a society with a humanitarian goal of a global civil and Ahdlaaaraf borders and the identity of certain Qomahdolh, cultural and educational foundations through plans and programs with educational encourage a spirit of tolerance and world peace. The study was divided into three topics: the first dealt with the concept of tolerance and world peace, and the second topic dealt with the impact of international law and citizenship. In the promotion of world peace "as one of the elements of global tolerance. The last topic included" the role of democracy and education education "in the promotion of world peace and concluded the study by conclusion.


2012 ◽  
Vol 33 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Stephanus P. Pretorius

The right to religious freedom is generally believed to be the solution to religious intolerance and discrimination and to ensure world peace amongst world citizens. On an international level, the United Nations, through the appointment of a special rapporteur for freedom of religion and belief, has introduced a tool to monitor violations of this right. This tool is known as �the framework of communications� and is focused mainly on the relationship between governments and religions. Unfortunately, religion is not excluded from the violation of human rights within its own ranks. This article pointed out that however pure the intention of freedom of religion, no real measures are in place to address violations of human rights in minority religions. Therefore, a tool is needed to investigate and address alleged violations within minority religions.


2006 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 535-545
Author(s):  
MICHAEL ERMARTH

Kevin Repp, Reformers, Critics, and the Paths of German Modernity: Anti-politics and the Search for Alternatives, 1890–1914 (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2000)Suzanne Marchand and David Lindenfeld, eds., Germany at the Fin de Siecle: Culture, Politics, and Ideas (Baton Rouge: Lousiana State University Press, 2004)As in the colorization of old black-and-white films, large swaths of modern German history have been undergoing a major makeover through full-spectrum, high-definition re-colorization. Stark black and white—and in between steely gray-on-gray—hardly suffice any longer for representing the full spectrum of the German past in its manifold formations and transformations. As compellingly set forth in the two works reviewed here, this changing retrospective view of change itself is revamping the history of the Wilhelmine Reich of 1890–1914. And just as in the colorization of old films, this shift has the uncanny parallax effect of making a bygone period-piece seem somehow closer to our sensibly “more modern” present-day world—even while the earlier period is also plainly lodged in a distant timeframe. The new history has some very interesting and unsettling special effects and nowhere do they come into play more palpably than in treating the special “German question” in relation to the larger question of Western mainstream modernity.


Author(s):  
Jane Caplan

The Epilogue considers the core questions raised in earlier chapters: the place of National Socialism in German history and what it meant to be ‘German’ after the defeat of Nazism. Trials of leading figures in the regime in 1945–9 were a first step, but addressing responsibility for Nazi crimes was a prolonged and uneven process. How Germans confronted the Nazi past was affected by the establishment of two separate German states in 1949, the Cold War, the unification of Germany in 1990, and the eventual development of an international culture of Holocaust.


2001 ◽  
Vol 15 (01) ◽  
pp. 88-102 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jason Kaufman

“The Second Amendment is there as a balance of power. It is literally a loaded gun in the hands of the people held to the heads of government.” —NRA field representative Fred Romero, 1990 The right to bear arms is one of the most controversial issues in United States history; it has always been so, though not for the reasons usually cited by contemporaries. It has been customary since at least the late nineteenth century to view military organizations as an extension of the legitimate authority of the state (except in case of unsanctioned resistance). The American experience, however, gives lie to the assumption that there is a clean analytical divide between state and civil society when it comes to military matters.


2007 ◽  
Vol 56 (2) ◽  
pp. 267-307 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Kershaw

AbstractThis article considers the significance of the UK Takeover Code's non-frustration prohibition. It asks to what extent the prohibition actually prevents post-bid, director-controlled defences that would not have been, in any event, either formally prohibited by UK company law without share-holder approval or practically ineffective as a result of the basic UK company law rule set. It finds that there would be minimal scope for director-deployed defences in the absence of the non-frustration prohibition, and that, in the context of UK company law, such defences have limited scope to be deployed for entrenchment purposes. Furthermore, this minimal scope for board defensive action would, in order to be compliant with a director's duties, require a pre-bid, shareholder-approved alteration to the UK's default constitutional balance of power between the board and the shareholder body to allow corporate powers to be used for defensive effect. In light of this conclusion the article looks for a rationale to justify denying shareholders the right to make this limited and potentially beneficial defensive election. It concludes that no persuasive rationale is available and that the prohibition is unnecessary and without justification.


2019 ◽  
Vol 66 (1) ◽  
pp. 69-83
Author(s):  
Marcin Salamaga

The purpose of the article is the multivariate analysis of export competitiveness in EU countries. It is based on the decomposition of changes in the exports of EU countries made using the model of Constant Market Share developed by Leamer and Stern (1970). The calculated effects of competitiveness, commodity composition, world trade and market distribution allow a detailed analysis of the sources of changes in export of compared countries, and in particular help to answer the question to what extent can changes in exports explain the global trade situation and to what extent do they result from proper proportion of market share, appropriate product assortment matching, or expansive exporter policy? In the comparative analysis there is used Ward's method, which allowed to indicate countries with the most similar competitive position in the spatial and commercial system in the field of goods with different shares of production factors. The presented results allow for a multidirectional comparison of the trade competitiveness of EU countries, as well as may be a source of important information on shaping the right proportions of participation and expansion of companies on foreign markets.


2006 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 107-122
Author(s):  
Thomas A. Brady Jr.

Measured against its subject, German history from the ancient forests to the “Berlin Republic,” A Mighty Fortress: A New History of the German People by Steven Ozment is a very short book. Karl Lamprecht (1856–1915) required some 6,000 pages in twelve volumes to cover the subject, and he had no twentieth century to master. Ozment's book is readable. It moves along in the athletic style and at the brisk pace we expect from him and is largely free of the sarcasms that pepper some of his earlier (though not the earliest) writings. The most surprising thing about A Mighty Fortress is that it was written at all. Why no German historian would tackle the subject today needs no explanation, but it is truly curious that a foreigner would essay the task. Yet Ozment has done just that. The product is a book easy and fun to read, in many respects better entertainment than history. A Mighty Fortress' point of view is so obstinately personal, its attitude toward established scholarship so brusque, and its narrative so broken and at times opaque, that only generous quotations can supply a fair impression of the book.


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