UNRWA and the Palestinian Nation-Building Process

2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jalal al-Husseini

This paper focuses on the political dimensions of UNRWA's mandate and activities through an analysis of its relations with the Palestinian national movement. The evolution of the UNRWA-PLO relationship, from uneasy coexistence to active partnership, parallels changes in each of the two bodies: UNRWA's movement toward greater politicization, and the PLO's gradual embrace of developmental goals associated with the state-building process. The article ends by touching on the problems inherent in the new development approach, particularly with reference to the refugees' right of return.

2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (2) ◽  
pp. 222-240
Author(s):  
Salome Dundua ◽  
Tamar Karaia ◽  
Zviad Abashidze

Abstract The article is dedicated to analyse the politics of so called “historical memory” during the state-building and nation-building process in post-socialist Georgia After the Rose Revolution 2003, the new government that aimed at building the “new Georgia,” implementing radical changes in many key spheres, including institutions, readdressing the totalitarian past, faced number of problematic manifestations in political and cultural life in this post-Soviet country. The “politics of memory” became one of the key factors of reconstructing of “new, democratic, western Georgia”. This process can be evaluated as leading toward state nationalism. Analyzing the politics of memory, symbolism is the most notable attitude and that is why former President Mikheil Saakashvili used commemorative ceremonies continuously. The authors argue in favour of approach, that the so called “memory politics” is the integral part of one’s legitimacy building, but at the same time, it can be used as tool for reconsidering of Polity’s future and mobilization of population under the “citizenship” umbrella towards the strong loyalty to the actual and future state-building.


Author(s):  
Andrés Baeza Ruz

This is a study on the relations between Britain and Chile during the Spanish American independence era (1806–1831). These relations were characterised by a dynamic, unpredictable and changing nature, being imperialism only one and not the exclusive way to define them. The book explores how Britons and Chileans perceived each other from the perspective of cultural history, considering the consequences of these ‘cultural encounters’ for the subsequent nation–state building process in Chile. From 1806 to 1831 both British and Chilean ‘state’ and ‘non–state’ actors interacted across several different ‘contact zones’, and thereby configured this relationship in multiple ways. Although the extensive presence of ‘non–state’ actors (missionaries, seamen, educators and merchants) was a manifestation of the ‘expansion’ of British interests to Chile, they were not necessarily an expression of any British imperial policy. There were multiple attitudes, perceptions, representations and discourses by Chileans on the role played by Britain in the world, which changed depending on the circumstances. Likewise, for Britons, Chile was represented in multiple ways, being the image of Chile as a pathway to other markets and destinations the most remarkable. All these had repercussions in the early nation–building process in Chile.


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID H. KAMENS

This article argues that the nation-building process in the post-World War II era often results in changes in the definitions of adolescence and in the status of youth. This happens because both nation building and economic development have become the responsibilities of modern states. Using the work of John Meyer and his students (1978, 1979), I argue that these state-sponsored activities are guided by institutional “recipes” for development that are embodied in world system ideology. A key component of this ideology is the idea that rational action results from the activities of appropriately socialized individuals. As a result, harnessing the motivation of individuals to collective goals becomes a central concern of modern states. Efforts to do so have produced a number of institutional forms that have diffused rapidly throughout the periphery, for example, educational expansion. The adoption of other institutional devices to link individuals to the state depends on the internal characteristics of national societies. We focus on one such process and develop an index to measure it: the political incorporation of youth in the state.


Author(s):  
Elena Dell'Agnese

The author is Associate Professor at the Faculty of Sociology of the University of Milano-Bicocca, where she teaches Political Geography. She also teaches Geography for the Degree Course of Tourism Studies and the Local Community at the same University. She has been studying extensively the nation-building process in Indonesia and Timor, and also the complex relation between national identity and "tourism" in Indonesia (Bali, Sulawesi, Irian Jaya-Papua). She is the author of many papers on themes of the political geography of Indonesia, and the editor of the volume Geografia e geopolitica dell'estremo Oriente (UTET, 2000). Professor dell'Agnese is a member of Senas, the network of research centers on Asia from Southern Europe.


Itinerario ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Chiara Formichi

ABSTRACT This article investigates the narrative of Islamic nationalism in twentieth-century Indonesia, focussing on the experience of, and discourse surrounding, the self-identified Islamist Darul Islam movement and its leader, S. M. Kartosuwiryo (1905–1962). I offer a narrative of the independence struggle that counters the one advanced by Indonesia's Pancasila state, and allows us to capture subtleties that old discussions of separatism—with their assumption of fixed centres and peripheries—cannot illuminate. The article unfolds three historical threads connected to ideas of exile and displacement (physical and intellectual), and the reconstitution (successful or failed) that followed from those processes. Starting from the political circumstances under which Kartosuwiryo retreated to West Java after the Dutch reinvasion of 1947—in a form of physical exile and political displacement from the centre of politics to the periphery, from a position of political centrality to one of marginality and opposition—I then transition to an elaboration of Kartosuwiryo's ideology. His political strategy emerges as a form of voluntary intellectual displacement that bounced between local visions of authority, nationalist projects, and transregional imaginations in order to establish the political platform he envisioned for postcolonial Indonesia. Lastly, I argue that the elision of Islam from the reconstructed narrative of Kartosuwiryo's intentions, characterised as separatist and anti-nationalist, was a key aspect of Indonesia's nation-building process. It is my final contention that official Indonesian history's displacement of Kartosuwiryo's goals away from Islam and into the realm of separatism allowed for two reconstitutive processes, one pertaining to political Islam as a negative political force, and the other to Kartosuwiryo as a martyr for Islam.


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-18
Author(s):  
Fulya Apaydin ◽  
Erol Ülker

Abstract This study makes an important contribution to the literature on labor incorporation in developing areas based on existing historiography and archival material from Turkey. Specifically, we argue that the political incorporation of labor during the early period of state building is strongly influenced by elite preferences over who constitutes the nation. In doing so, we address a neglected dimension by putting the emphasis on ethnoreligious politics: the founders of modern Turkey pushed for a homogenizing program that prioritized Muslim-Turks over other minority groups, eventually paving the way to the state-led incorporation of labor. This is different from the experience of most Latin American countries that the existing literature draws on. Our findings make an important contribution to theoretical debates by highlighting the subtle link between nation-building and the pathways of labor incorporation in developing contexts.


Author(s):  
Andrea Gamberini

This chapter summarizes all the main points and issues addressed in previous chapters (both in Part I and in Part II), with the aim of highlighting the common thread that runs through the entire work. The result is a new reading of the state-building process at the end of the Middle Ages. The limitations of attempts by governors to present the political principles that inspired their acts as shared and universally recognized are revealed by a historical analysis firmly intent on investigating the existence, in particular territorial or social ambits, of other political cultures which based obedience to authority on different, and frequently original, ideals.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolina Castellitti

This paper proposes some anthropological notes on aviation and national imaginaries, taking Varig, an important Brazilian airline with international projection and recognition, as a starting point. The analysis is based on an explorative perspective, which included fieldwork among Varig’s former employees, especially female flight attendants who joined the carrier in the 1970s and 1980s and remained until the closure of its activities. Alongside the testimonies of these employees, it analyses magazine and television advertisements from Varig and other Brazilian airlines, in order to throw some light on the pertinence of gender, class and race as social markers that structured the aviation field in the second half of the twentieth century. Through a critical perspective, this work launches heterodox interpretative challenges on the nation-building process, hoping thus to contribute to a better understanding of the political and ideological games that characterised the formation of the nation.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michał Rauszer

The king’s two bodies and political nation. Formation of peasants’ identity in the nation-building contextIn the 16th century, the political system based on the grangeserfdom economy and early modern elective monarchy was formed in Poland. One of the consequences of this process was an expulsion of the peasants outside of the society. The other one led to the formation of a political nation (a Pole) defined by his attitude towards king, freedom and noble democracy. Therefore, the peasants had no right to be a part of so understood “Polish” nation. The process of peasants inclusion into the tissue of the nation did not start until the late 19th century. In my article, I examine how the Polish nation developed in the context of the political theory of the king’s two bodies (Ernest Kantorowicz). Furthermore, I analyze the peasants’ attitude to the issue of a nation in the context of social changes of that period. Dwa ciała króla i naród polityczny. Kształtowanie się tożsamości chłopskiej w kontekście procesów narodowotwórczychW XVI wieku w Polsce ukształtował się system polityczny gospodarki opartej na pańszczyźnie oraz nowożytna monarchia elekcyjna. Pierwszy proces doprowadził do wyrzucenia poza margines społeczny warstwy chłopskiej. Drugi do wytworzenia się narodu politycznego (Polaka), definiowanego przez jego stosunek do króla, wolności i szlacheckiej demokracji. Chłopi nie mieli więc prawa być częścią tak rozumianego narodu „polskiego”. Proces włączenia się chłopów w tkankę narodu rozpoczął się tak naprawdę dopiero pod koniec XIX wieku. W swoim tekście badam, jak kształtowało się pojęcie narodu polskiego w kontekście teorii politycznej dwóch ciał króla (Ernest Kantorowicz). Ponadto analizuję stosunek chłopów do kwestii narodowej na tle ogólnych społecznych zmian.


Author(s):  
Folashade Elizabeth Daramola ◽  
Akaninyene Ufot Etuk

Since independence, Nigeria has suffered many and different forms of bad leadership and governance. This invariably has had its toll on the nation building process of the country as bad leadership and governance are synonymous with low development and disunity, especially when considering the dissatisfaction that arises from the different quarters of the country shaking the country’s foundation and threatening the unity of the country and disrupting real development and progress in the body polity. There are extant scholarly works on leadership, governance and nation building in Nigeria. However, it appears that the existing works have not been able to raise a louder alarm and raise a red flag against the prevailing corrupt and bad status quo in the political arena of the country which has worked against the nation building effort of the country. This paper intends to raise such alarm while warning the political leaders against impending revolution by patiently giving an account of leadership in Nigeria and the flaws of the Nigerian political leaders as they have had implications on the nation building process of the country. The paper makes use of historical methodology by analyzing data and information derived majorly from secondary sources such as books, journal articles, chapters in books, internet sources, etc. The paper has found out that many factors are responsible for good or bad governance and leadership in Nigeria which in turn have implications on the nation building process of the country. In all the paper has revealed that for there to be good and true governance and leadership in Nigeria that would affect nation building process positively, true and purposeful leaders must emerge to replace the bad ones that have existed over the years, and selfless and personal sacrifice must replace selfishness and greed in the minds of Nigerian political leaders.


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