scholarly journals Varig, “a Real Brazilian Embassy Outside”: Anthropological reflections on aviation and national imaginaries

2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolina Castellitti

This paper proposes some anthropological notes on aviation and national imaginaries, taking Varig, an important Brazilian airline with international projection and recognition, as a starting point. The analysis is based on an explorative perspective, which included fieldwork among Varig’s former employees, especially female flight attendants who joined the carrier in the 1970s and 1980s and remained until the closure of its activities. Alongside the testimonies of these employees, it analyses magazine and television advertisements from Varig and other Brazilian airlines, in order to throw some light on the pertinence of gender, class and race as social markers that structured the aviation field in the second half of the twentieth century. Through a critical perspective, this work launches heterodox interpretative challenges on the nation-building process, hoping thus to contribute to a better understanding of the political and ideological games that characterised the formation of the nation.

Itinerario ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Chiara Formichi

ABSTRACT This article investigates the narrative of Islamic nationalism in twentieth-century Indonesia, focussing on the experience of, and discourse surrounding, the self-identified Islamist Darul Islam movement and its leader, S. M. Kartosuwiryo (1905–1962). I offer a narrative of the independence struggle that counters the one advanced by Indonesia's Pancasila state, and allows us to capture subtleties that old discussions of separatism—with their assumption of fixed centres and peripheries—cannot illuminate. The article unfolds three historical threads connected to ideas of exile and displacement (physical and intellectual), and the reconstitution (successful or failed) that followed from those processes. Starting from the political circumstances under which Kartosuwiryo retreated to West Java after the Dutch reinvasion of 1947—in a form of physical exile and political displacement from the centre of politics to the periphery, from a position of political centrality to one of marginality and opposition—I then transition to an elaboration of Kartosuwiryo's ideology. His political strategy emerges as a form of voluntary intellectual displacement that bounced between local visions of authority, nationalist projects, and transregional imaginations in order to establish the political platform he envisioned for postcolonial Indonesia. Lastly, I argue that the elision of Islam from the reconstructed narrative of Kartosuwiryo's intentions, characterised as separatist and anti-nationalist, was a key aspect of Indonesia's nation-building process. It is my final contention that official Indonesian history's displacement of Kartosuwiryo's goals away from Islam and into the realm of separatism allowed for two reconstitutive processes, one pertaining to political Islam as a negative political force, and the other to Kartosuwiryo as a martyr for Islam.


1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID H. KAMENS

This article argues that the nation-building process in the post-World War II era often results in changes in the definitions of adolescence and in the status of youth. This happens because both nation building and economic development have become the responsibilities of modern states. Using the work of John Meyer and his students (1978, 1979), I argue that these state-sponsored activities are guided by institutional “recipes” for development that are embodied in world system ideology. A key component of this ideology is the idea that rational action results from the activities of appropriately socialized individuals. As a result, harnessing the motivation of individuals to collective goals becomes a central concern of modern states. Efforts to do so have produced a number of institutional forms that have diffused rapidly throughout the periphery, for example, educational expansion. The adoption of other institutional devices to link individuals to the state depends on the internal characteristics of national societies. We focus on one such process and develop an index to measure it: the political incorporation of youth in the state.


2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jalal al-Husseini

This paper focuses on the political dimensions of UNRWA's mandate and activities through an analysis of its relations with the Palestinian national movement. The evolution of the UNRWA-PLO relationship, from uneasy coexistence to active partnership, parallels changes in each of the two bodies: UNRWA's movement toward greater politicization, and the PLO's gradual embrace of developmental goals associated with the state-building process. The article ends by touching on the problems inherent in the new development approach, particularly with reference to the refugees' right of return.


Author(s):  
Elena Dell'Agnese

The author is Associate Professor at the Faculty of Sociology of the University of Milano-Bicocca, where she teaches Political Geography. She also teaches Geography for the Degree Course of Tourism Studies and the Local Community at the same University. She has been studying extensively the nation-building process in Indonesia and Timor, and also the complex relation between national identity and "tourism" in Indonesia (Bali, Sulawesi, Irian Jaya-Papua). She is the author of many papers on themes of the political geography of Indonesia, and the editor of the volume Geografia e geopolitica dell'estremo Oriente (UTET, 2000). Professor dell'Agnese is a member of Senas, the network of research centers on Asia from Southern Europe.


2006 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-44 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magnus Fiskesjö

AbstractThis paper takes modern China's dilemma of how to deal with the legacy of its imperial past as the starting point for a discussion of the drawn-out re-creation of China in the twentieth century. The particular focus is on the important role of non-Han ethnic minorities in this process. It is pointed out that the non-recognition and forced assimilation of all such minorities, in favour of a unified citizenship on an imagined European, American or Japanese model, was actually considered as a serious alternative and favoured by many Chinese nation-builders in the wake of the overthrow of the last imperial dynasty in 1911. The article then proceeds to a discussion of why, on the contrary, ethnic minorities should instead have been formally identified and in some cases even actively organised as official minorities, recognised and incorporated into the state structure, as happened after 1949. Based on the formal and symbolic qualities of the constitution of these minorities, it is argued that new China is also a new formulation of the imperial Chinese model, which resurrects the corollary idea of civilisation as a transformative force that requires a primitive, backward periphery as its object.


2010 ◽  
Vol 90 (2) ◽  
pp. 247-281 ◽  
Author(s):  
E. Gabrielle Kuenzli

Abstract This article focuses on the connection between Aymara indigenous communities, Liberal intellectuals, and the nation-building process in late nineteenth and early twentieth-century Bolivia. The Liberal intellectuals’ designs of nation in early twentieth-century Bolivia were shaped in part by the actions and political initiatives of the very “Indians” the intellectuals sought to categorize, define, and contain. Somewhat paradoxically, the national intellectuals and the local Aymara elite unwittingly collaborated in the construction of a preferred Indian identity, the Inca, to create a noble and progressive past for the nation and to marginalize the undesirable, non-elite Aymara indigenous population in the wake of the 1899 Civil War between Liberals and Conservatives. The process of narrating the native past was of importance to national intellectuals as well as to native peoples. Several types of sources inform these late nineteenth and early twentieth-century discourses of nation building, including judicial court cases, archival documentation, and theatrical performance. The narrative of the indigenous past and the role of the actual Indian population within the Bolivian nation in the early twentieth century was a site of negotiation located at the center of national politics, establishing the foundation for a nation that would maintain differentiated constructions of Indian identity at its core.


Author(s):  
Folashade Elizabeth Daramola ◽  
Akaninyene Ufot Etuk

Since independence, Nigeria has suffered many and different forms of bad leadership and governance. This invariably has had its toll on the nation building process of the country as bad leadership and governance are synonymous with low development and disunity, especially when considering the dissatisfaction that arises from the different quarters of the country shaking the country’s foundation and threatening the unity of the country and disrupting real development and progress in the body polity. There are extant scholarly works on leadership, governance and nation building in Nigeria. However, it appears that the existing works have not been able to raise a louder alarm and raise a red flag against the prevailing corrupt and bad status quo in the political arena of the country which has worked against the nation building effort of the country. This paper intends to raise such alarm while warning the political leaders against impending revolution by patiently giving an account of leadership in Nigeria and the flaws of the Nigerian political leaders as they have had implications on the nation building process of the country. The paper makes use of historical methodology by analyzing data and information derived majorly from secondary sources such as books, journal articles, chapters in books, internet sources, etc. The paper has found out that many factors are responsible for good or bad governance and leadership in Nigeria which in turn have implications on the nation building process of the country. In all the paper has revealed that for there to be good and true governance and leadership in Nigeria that would affect nation building process positively, true and purposeful leaders must emerge to replace the bad ones that have existed over the years, and selfless and personal sacrifice must replace selfishness and greed in the minds of Nigerian political leaders.


Author(s):  
Michelle Sikes

African politics have always had a significant effect on sport, despite cherished mantras that sport and politics are mutually exclusive. Conversely, sport has played a meaningful role in the politics of African nations, from nation-building to widening foreign policy options, to making national alliances of countries that may not have otherwise supported each other, particularly with respect to the anti-apartheid struggle. Twentieth-century African politics have been a laboratory for the testing and ultimate debunking of the long-standing notion that African sport (or any human activity) exists in a vacuum, apart from the political realities of the culture within which it exists.


HISTOREIN ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Panagiotis Stathis

This study discusses the historiography of the Greek Revolution of 1821, what in Greek is often referred to as “Twenty-One” (Eikosiena) or the “Struggle” (Agon). Since 1821 constitutes the founding condition of the Greek state and autonomous existence of the Greek nation, it can be considered as the main historiographical field of modern Greek history. Throughout most of the twentieth century it represented a field of conflict between opposing historiographical but also ideological and political currents. Opposing ideological environments and collective identities formed different readings of Greek history in which the Greek Revolution played a central role. Its reading and interpretation served as the compass for reading and interpreting the whole process of modern Greek historical development. Opposing collectives also made selective use of the history of 1821 by searching for their “ancestors” in the revolutionary past; thus they formed historical genealogies through which they could claim authentic continuity with leading social groups and figures of the revolution. Consequently, 1821 obtained exemplary power. Accordingly each of its readings functioned as the starting point in shaping the political practice in the present. In other words, each and every reading of 1821 formed or supported directional guides of political practices in the present.


2019 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 206-219
Author(s):  
Meindert E. Peters

Friedrich Nietzsche's influence on Isadora Duncan's work, in particular his idea of the Dionysian, has been widely discussed, especially in regard to her later work. What has been left underdeveloped in critical examinations of her work, however, is his influence on her earlier choreographic work, which she defended in a famous speech held in 1903 called The Dance of the Future. While commentators often describe this speech as ‘Nietzschean’, Duncan's autobiography suggests that she only studied Nietzsche's work after this speech. I take this incongruity as a starting point to explore the connections between her speech and Nietzsche's work, in particular his Thus Spoke Zarathustra. I argue that in subject and language Duncan's speech resembles Nietzsche's in important ways. This article will draw attention to the ways in which Duncan takes her cues from Nietzsche in bringing together seemingly conflicting ideas of religion and an overturning of morality; Nietzsche's notion of eternal recurrence and the teleology present in his idea of the Übermensch; and a renegotiation of the body's relation to the mind. In doing so, this article contributes not only to scholarship on Duncan's early work but also to discussions of Nietzsche's reception in the early twentieth century. Moreover, the importance Duncan ascribes to the body in dance and expression also asks for a new understanding of Nietzsche's own way of expressing his philosophy.


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