scholarly journals LEADERSHIP, GOVERNANCE AND NATION BUILDING IN NIGERIA

Author(s):  
Folashade Elizabeth Daramola ◽  
Akaninyene Ufot Etuk

Since independence, Nigeria has suffered many and different forms of bad leadership and governance. This invariably has had its toll on the nation building process of the country as bad leadership and governance are synonymous with low development and disunity, especially when considering the dissatisfaction that arises from the different quarters of the country shaking the country’s foundation and threatening the unity of the country and disrupting real development and progress in the body polity. There are extant scholarly works on leadership, governance and nation building in Nigeria. However, it appears that the existing works have not been able to raise a louder alarm and raise a red flag against the prevailing corrupt and bad status quo in the political arena of the country which has worked against the nation building effort of the country. This paper intends to raise such alarm while warning the political leaders against impending revolution by patiently giving an account of leadership in Nigeria and the flaws of the Nigerian political leaders as they have had implications on the nation building process of the country. The paper makes use of historical methodology by analyzing data and information derived majorly from secondary sources such as books, journal articles, chapters in books, internet sources, etc. The paper has found out that many factors are responsible for good or bad governance and leadership in Nigeria which in turn have implications on the nation building process of the country. In all the paper has revealed that for there to be good and true governance and leadership in Nigeria that would affect nation building process positively, true and purposeful leaders must emerge to replace the bad ones that have existed over the years, and selfless and personal sacrifice must replace selfishness and greed in the minds of Nigerian political leaders.

1985 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 3-36 ◽  
Author(s):  
DAVID H. KAMENS

This article argues that the nation-building process in the post-World War II era often results in changes in the definitions of adolescence and in the status of youth. This happens because both nation building and economic development have become the responsibilities of modern states. Using the work of John Meyer and his students (1978, 1979), I argue that these state-sponsored activities are guided by institutional “recipes” for development that are embodied in world system ideology. A key component of this ideology is the idea that rational action results from the activities of appropriately socialized individuals. As a result, harnessing the motivation of individuals to collective goals becomes a central concern of modern states. Efforts to do so have produced a number of institutional forms that have diffused rapidly throughout the periphery, for example, educational expansion. The adoption of other institutional devices to link individuals to the state depends on the internal characteristics of national societies. We focus on one such process and develop an index to measure it: the political incorporation of youth in the state.


2020 ◽  
Vol 8 (12) ◽  
pp. 26-34
Author(s):  
T. C. Falana

The challenge in the philosophical understanding of ‘suicide’ is aptly a rarely researched aspect of Yoruba social history. The recent conscious of the concept depicts an anti-social behaviour which the society disapproved, while the pre-colonial understanding of it paints an honour and heroic move often made not only by the Alaafins but as well as other well-respected individuals in the society. However, the key to accepting the position of suicide hides in the Yorubas’ general understanding of death as well as their multilayered history of their traditional political leaders and military heritage. This paper opines that the philosophy behind the concept of suicide in Old Oyo Empire is motivated by the heroic understanding of death as well as a power play. This paper, however, stresses the role in which this belief has helped grow and negatively affect the empire. The research will however assist in understanding the philosophy of suicide in the state formation and growth of the old Oyo Empire. The work relied on both primary and secondary sources. It employed both descriptive and analytic methods in analyzing the data used for the study.


2000 ◽  
Vol 29 (2) ◽  
pp. 51-64 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jalal al-Husseini

This paper focuses on the political dimensions of UNRWA's mandate and activities through an analysis of its relations with the Palestinian national movement. The evolution of the UNRWA-PLO relationship, from uneasy coexistence to active partnership, parallels changes in each of the two bodies: UNRWA's movement toward greater politicization, and the PLO's gradual embrace of developmental goals associated with the state-building process. The article ends by touching on the problems inherent in the new development approach, particularly with reference to the refugees' right of return.


Author(s):  
Elena Dell'Agnese

The author is Associate Professor at the Faculty of Sociology of the University of Milano-Bicocca, where she teaches Political Geography. She also teaches Geography for the Degree Course of Tourism Studies and the Local Community at the same University. She has been studying extensively the nation-building process in Indonesia and Timor, and also the complex relation between national identity and "tourism" in Indonesia (Bali, Sulawesi, Irian Jaya-Papua). She is the author of many papers on themes of the political geography of Indonesia, and the editor of the volume Geografia e geopolitica dell'estremo Oriente (UTET, 2000). Professor dell'Agnese is a member of Senas, the network of research centers on Asia from Southern Europe.


Itinerario ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1-22
Author(s):  
Chiara Formichi

ABSTRACT This article investigates the narrative of Islamic nationalism in twentieth-century Indonesia, focussing on the experience of, and discourse surrounding, the self-identified Islamist Darul Islam movement and its leader, S. M. Kartosuwiryo (1905–1962). I offer a narrative of the independence struggle that counters the one advanced by Indonesia's Pancasila state, and allows us to capture subtleties that old discussions of separatism—with their assumption of fixed centres and peripheries—cannot illuminate. The article unfolds three historical threads connected to ideas of exile and displacement (physical and intellectual), and the reconstitution (successful or failed) that followed from those processes. Starting from the political circumstances under which Kartosuwiryo retreated to West Java after the Dutch reinvasion of 1947—in a form of physical exile and political displacement from the centre of politics to the periphery, from a position of political centrality to one of marginality and opposition—I then transition to an elaboration of Kartosuwiryo's ideology. His political strategy emerges as a form of voluntary intellectual displacement that bounced between local visions of authority, nationalist projects, and transregional imaginations in order to establish the political platform he envisioned for postcolonial Indonesia. Lastly, I argue that the elision of Islam from the reconstructed narrative of Kartosuwiryo's intentions, characterised as separatist and anti-nationalist, was a key aspect of Indonesia's nation-building process. It is my final contention that official Indonesian history's displacement of Kartosuwiryo's goals away from Islam and into the realm of separatism allowed for two reconstitutive processes, one pertaining to political Islam as a negative political force, and the other to Kartosuwiryo as a martyr for Islam.


2019 ◽  
Vol 40 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Carolina Castellitti

This paper proposes some anthropological notes on aviation and national imaginaries, taking Varig, an important Brazilian airline with international projection and recognition, as a starting point. The analysis is based on an explorative perspective, which included fieldwork among Varig’s former employees, especially female flight attendants who joined the carrier in the 1970s and 1980s and remained until the closure of its activities. Alongside the testimonies of these employees, it analyses magazine and television advertisements from Varig and other Brazilian airlines, in order to throw some light on the pertinence of gender, class and race as social markers that structured the aviation field in the second half of the twentieth century. Through a critical perspective, this work launches heterodox interpretative challenges on the nation-building process, hoping thus to contribute to a better understanding of the political and ideological games that characterised the formation of the nation.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (3) ◽  
pp. 235-241
Author(s):  
Mohammad Ashfaq ◽  
Yasmin Roofi

The elite political culture of Pakistan is comparatively feudalistic in nature as the base of power in the state. Political culture may be defined as how many people participate in the political procedure. It is a system of beliefs upon which a large majority of people agree. The history of the political culture of Pakistan has witnessed the domination of multiple elite groups. These major elites had influences on the political system. Gaetano Mosca, the founder of the Italian school of elitism enumerated the personal traits of these ruling elites, operating centrally as direct power holders of the body politics, The purpose of this research is to critically study the elite political culture and problematics created by this group for liberal democracy. This research will present the concept of elite political culture and how it emerged in the politics of Pakistan. It will also conclude that how elite political culture distorted or eclipsed specifically the smooth functioning of the liberal democratic political system of the state and society in general. For the completion of the proposed study, both primary, as well as secondary sources, have been used. While undertaking any research a peculiar methodology is applied to obtain the objectives of the study. Historical, narrative, descriptive, analytical and conceptual research methodology is applied. This is a descriptive analysis of elitism and presents this concept through different authors who treated this subject in different manners.


Sains Insani ◽  
2018 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Mohammad Tawfik Yaakub ◽  
Osman Md Rasip

This article discusses impact of UMNO-PAS political cooperation towards Islamic development in Malaysia from 1973 until 1978. The success of political cooperation in 1973 was the result of both UMNO’s leader, Tun Abdul Razak and PAS’s leader, Asri Muda willingness to explore a new political approach compared to what was being practiced at that time. Both leaders then started the development of a government known as the ‘Cooperation Government’ with the combination of UMNO and PAS in 1973 and later on, the development of the National Front’s (BN) Coalition Government in 1974. The Islamic religion benefits the most from the development of the Coalition Government which is a favourable gain for the Malays in Malaysia. Henceforth, this article will discuss in detail on the impact of the political cooperation between UMNO and PAS within the cooperation period. The methods used for this research is by interview and also by referring to secondary sources which are analyzed in a historical descriptive manner that is normally practiced in historical research. At the end of this research it is established that there are profound impacts to the Islamic religion within the UMNO-PAS cooperation period within 1973 to 1978 for example, the television and radio station beginning starting their programmes with the recitation from Quranic verses, the promulgation of ‘Adhan, alcohols are no longer served in official government’s function, lottery companies are not allowed to promote and announce the lottery results in official government’s media, the establishment of Islamic institution, the strengthening of Islamic education and the appropriate change in the relevant ministry’s symbols. This article can be utilized by subsequent researchers who wish to study the impact of political cooperation between UMNO and PAS. Keywords: political cooperation, UMNO-PAS, cooperation government ABTRAK:Makalah ini membincangkan mengenai impak kerjasama politik UMNO-PAS terhadap perkembangan Islam di Malaysia dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Kerjasama politik yang berjaya dibentuk bermula pada tahun 1973 adalah hasil daripada kesediaan Tun Abdul Razak dengan Mohd Asri Muda yang menerajui UMNO dan PAS pada ketika itu mencetuskan perubahan corak berpolitik yang berbeza berbanding sebelumnya. Maka, kedua-dua pemimpin ini kemudiannya merintis pembentukan sebuah kerajaan yang menggabungkan UMNO dengan PAS menerusi Kerajaan Campuran pada tahun 1973 dan Kerajaan Gabungan Barisan Nasional (BN) pada tahun 1974. Hasil daripada kejayaan penubuhan kedua-dua kerajaan ini, perkembangan Islam di negara ini bertambah pesat dan dapat dimanfaatkan oleh keseluruhan orang Melayu di Malaysia. Justeru, artikel ini membincangkan secara terperinci impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dalam tempoh kerjasama politik berkenaan. Penyelidikan ini menggunapakai kaedah temubual dan menyorot sejumlah sumber sekunder yang kemudiannya dianalisis secara deskriptif sejarah (historical descriptive analysis) yang lazimnya dipraktikkan dalam kajian sejarah. Hasil kajian ini mendapati terdapat impak-impak jelas terhadap perkembangan Islam di negara ini sepanjang tempoh kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS dari tahun 1973 hingga 1978. Antara impak-impak tersebut ialah permulaan siaran televisyen dan radio dengan bacaan ayat-ayat suci Al-Quran, mengumandangkan suara azan, penghapusan arak dalam majlis-majlis kerajaan, penghapusan promosi dan keputusan judi di media kerajaan, penubuhan institusi Islam, pemerkasaan pendidikan Islam dan penukaran simbol institisu kerajaan. Akhirnya, artikel ini dapat dimanfaatkan oleh penyelidik-penyelidik berikutnya untuk menilai impak kerjasama politik antara UMNO dengan PAS.Kata kunci: kerjasama politik, UMNO-PAS, kerajaan campuran


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