Beyond the Two Party System: Political Representation, Economic Competitiveness and Australian Politics.

1997 ◽  
Vol 70 (4) ◽  
pp. 634
Author(s):  
Mark Beeson ◽  
Ian Marsh
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Economic Competitiveness

Parity without Equality

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jennifer M. Piscopo
Keyword(s):  
Costa Rica ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Costa Rican ◽  
Women In Politics ◽  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Economic Problems ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
Female Legislators ◽  
Female President

Jennifer M. Piscopo examines how the crisis of representation in Costa Rica has placed a ceiling on gender equality in representation. The restructuring of the Costa Rican party system and party fragmentation has made electing multiple candidates from any one ballot more difficult. Top spots have become even more prestigious and more likely to be allocated to men, which reduces women’s electoral chances. Corruption scandals, party breakdown, citizen frustration, and economic problems tainted the administration of the nation’s first female president, Laura Chinchilla. Female legislators have often worked to promote women’s issues and feminist policies, but Chinchilla eschewed feminism, even though several of her policies did benefit women. Overall, her failed presidency may create difficulties for other women seeking top political offices and could have negative consequences for views of women in politics. These challenges notwithstanding, Piscopo concludes that Costa Rica remains at the vanguard of women’s political representation in Latin America.

Women in the Legislatures and Executives of the World: Knocking at the Highest Glass Ceiling

1999 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 547-572 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Reynolds
Keyword(s):  
Multivariate Regression ◽  
Regression Models ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Parliamentary System ◽  
Dependent Variables ◽  
The World ◽  
Political Office ◽  
Women In Parliament

This article reports the results of a survey of women in legislatures and executives around the world as they were constituted in 1998 (N = 180). The chief hypotheses regarding the factors hindering or facilitating women's access to political representation were tested by multivariate regression models. The regression models juxtaposed a cocktail of institutional, political, cultural, and socioeconomic variables with the following dependent variables: (1) the percentage of MPs who are women and (2) the percentage of cabinet ministers who are women.A number, although not all, of the cited hypotheses were statistically confirmed and more finely quantified. The socioeconomic development of women in society has an effect on the number of women in parliament but not in the cabinet. A country's length of experience with multipartyism and women's enfranchisement correlates with both the legislative and the executive percentage. Certain electoral systems are more women friendly than others. The ideological nature of the party system affects the number of women elected and chosen for cabinet posts. And last, the state's dominant religion, taken as a proxy for culture, also statistically relates to the number of women who will make it to high political office. However, other long-held hypotheses were not proved. The degree of democracy is not a good indicator of the percentage of women who will make it into the legislature or the cabinet, nor is the dichotomy between a presidential or parliamentary system.

scholarly journals Hacia el estudio de lo preocupante en nuestro régimen de partidos = The worrying state of our party system

2015 ◽  
pp. 123
Author(s):  
Óscar Alzaga Villaamil
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Full Control ◽  
El Sistema ◽  
Siglo Xix ◽  
Party Funding ◽  
Sociological Studies ◽  
Spanish Legislation

Noting that in sociological studies at European level Spain is almost at the bottom of civic appraisal of its democracy and its political, the study explores the historical roots of poor political representation in the nineteenth century Spanish with management from the Crown Decrees of dissolution of parliament and full control by governments shift elections based on small districts and on a rooted cacique system. The 1977 Law for Political Reform conditioned the electoral system for the Parliament, distorting proportional representation in terms that have come down to us and who have devoted bipartisanship when none of the major parties has a majority depends on the Nationalist forces, they have made great revenues as unique representative map. The Spanish legislation regulating political parties with great precision how the upcoming ban terrorism forces, but hardly develops the constitutional requirements regarding the organization and internal functioning must be democratic, nor on party funding, for what you need to consider the reform of the parties Act 2002.Tras constatar que en los estudios sociológicos de ámbito europeo España se sitúa prácticamente a la cola de valoración ciudadana de su democracia y de sus políticos, el estudio profundiza en las raíces históricas de la mala representación política durante el Siglo XIX español con manejo desde la Corona de los Decretos de disolución de las Cortes y pleno control por los gobiernos del turno de unas elecciones basadas en distritos pequeños y en un arraigados sistema caciquil. La Ley de 1977 para la Reforma Política condicionó el sistema electoral para las Cortes, distorsionando la representación proporcional en términos que han llegado a nuestros días y que han consagrado un bipartidismo que cuando ninguno de los principales partidos tiene mayoría absoluta depende de las fuerzas nacionalistas, que han obtenido grandes réditos de tan singular mapa representativo. La legislación española de partidos políticos regula con gran precisión la forma de prohibir las fuerzas próximas al terrorismo, pero prácticamente no desarrolla los imperativos constitucionales en cuanto a que la organización y el funcionamiento interno deben ser democráticos, ni sobre la financiación de los partidos, por lo que procede abordar la reforma de la Ley de partidos de 2002.

6. Electoral Systems and Direct Democracy

2021 ◽  
pp. 89-111
Author(s):  
Catherine E. De Vries ◽  
Sara B. Hobolt ◽  
Sven-Oliver Proksch ◽  
Jonathan B. Slapin
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Direct Democracy ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Party Systems ◽  
The European Union ◽  
View Point ◽  
Institutional Differences ◽  
Over Time

This chapter starts off with an overview of the institutions that decide how citizens cast ballots, firstly, in elections, and secondly, directly for policy. The former is related to electoral systems and the latter to direct democracy. The chapter considers the implications of these institutions for party systems and political representation from the view point of the principal–agent framework. There is a large variety of electoral systems used in Europe. Most elections are held using the system of proportional representation. However, there are important institutional differences that need to be remembered. The chapter then goes on to examine the effects of electoral systems on the party system. This is carried out with electoral change over time in mind. Finally, the chapter turns to direct democracy and analyses the use of referendums, specifically with regard to the question of the European Union (EU).

Representation as Responsiveness in China

Asian Survey ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 60 (2) ◽  
pp. 366-390
Author(s):  
Zhongyuan Wang ◽  
Jianjun Liu
Keyword(s):  
Public Service ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Data Set ◽  
Liberal Democratic ◽  
Data Analyses ◽  
Democratic Regimes ◽  
The Government ◽  
The City

Studies of political representation have focused on responsiveness driven by electoral mechanisms in liberal-democratic regimes. In a single-party system like China’s, how does the government respond to citizens’ service requests? Whose and what interests are being represented in governmental responsiveness, and to what extent? This article explores these questions through the lens of “representation as responsiveness” by analyzing an exclusive data set from the city public service hotline in Shanghai. Data analyses show that Chinese municipalities have good responsiveness to citizens’ practical concerns, and the quality of responsive representation has been improving in recent years. However, some groups of residents tend to be underserved for multiple reasons. This article argues that a responsive model of authoritarian representation will become a significant source of resilience for the party regime.

Preference Representation and the Influence of Political Parties in Majoritarian vs. Proportional Systems: An Empirical Test

2016 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 181-204 ◽  
Author(s):  
David Stadelmann ◽  
Marco Portmann ◽  
Reiner Eichenberger
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Voting Behavior ◽  
Party System ◽  
Electoral Systems ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Empirical Test ◽  
Party Affiliation ◽  
Preference Representation ◽  
Median Position

Electoral systems determine the role that representatives’ party affiliations play in political representation. According to conventional expectations, party affiliation drives the behavior of representatives when they are elected under a proportional system, while majoritarian systems mute the role of party affiliation by forcing politicians to converge to the median position of their constituency. This study directly tests these predictions within a common party system by matching referenda decisions of constituents with voting behavior of their representatives who are elected either under a majoritarian or proportional system.

scholarly journals THE FRAGMENTATION OF POLITICAL REPRESENTATION AT MUNICIPAL LEVEL IN SLOVAK REPUBLIC IN PERIOD 2002 - 2018

2019 ◽  
pp. 193-198
Author(s):  
MARTIN KLUS ◽  
MARCEL MARTINKOVIČ
Keyword(s):  
Decision Making ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Party System ◽  
Slovak Republic ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Municipal Policy ◽  
Control Factors ◽  
Electoral Laws ◽  
Civic Skills ◽  
Municipal Level

Presented study sheds light on the developments of political representation at municipal level and tries to identify the sources of its fragmentation. These sources are vested in electoral laws, in development of national party system and in public distrust towards partisan candidates including changes in decision-making dynamics of the electorate. All mentioned factors shape the popular preference to support independent candidates in achieving municipal offices. This phenomenon gained on intensity between 2002 and 2018. The trend of ever-increasing support for civic and non-partisan candidates also introduces practical implications and risks in terms of lacking effective governing, transparency and of municipal policy control. Factors such as: non-existence of integrative organizational basis for political decision making, low levels of civic skills or elusive ownership structure of regional media. Most importantly, it is the inability of established political parties to maintain the functionality of democratic institutions in terms of public administration. All these factors increase the risks of decision-making at municipal level. Such development is part of deepening crisis of trust in political parties and leads to risks of forming a defect democracy.

scholarly journals Crisis de la democracia de partidos y segunda transición // Party Democracy’s Crisis and Second Transition

2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (100) ◽  
pp. 615
Author(s):  
Juan Jesús González
Keyword(s):  
Party System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
El Paso ◽  
Political Polarization ◽  
The Political ◽  
New Politics ◽  
Electoral Impact ◽  
Crisis Of Representation ◽  
General Elections ◽  
New System

ResumenEste artículo comienza presentando la idea de Bernard Manin sobre la evolución de las formas de representación política y el paso de la democracia de partidos a la democracia de audiencia. A continuación, hace repaso de la génesis y evolución de la crisis económica con el fin de subrayar algunas de sus consecuencias en el terreno políticoinstitucional. En tercer lugar, se detiene en el análisis del impacto electoral de la crisis de representación en las elecciones autonómicas y generales de 2015, para llegar, por último, a evaluar el nuevo sistema de partidos y sus implicaciones en materia de polarización política.Summary:1. Old and new politics. 2. The genealogy of the crisis. 3. The electoral impact of the crisis: the autonomic and general elections of 2015. 4. The new system of parties: limited transition to pluralism polarized pluralism. 5. Summary.Abstract:This article begins by presenting the Bernard Manin’s argument on the evolution of the political representation and the transition from party democracy to audience democracy. It continues by taking into account the origins and evolution of the economic crisis in order to underline some of its consequences concerning the political and institutional arena. Third, it analyzes the electoral impact of the crisis of representation on the regional and general 2015 elections. Finally, the article evaluates the new party system and its implications withregard to the issue of political polarization.

Political Representation in Latin America

2005 ◽  
Vol 38 (4) ◽  
pp. 388-416 ◽  
Author(s):  
Juan P. Luna ◽  
Elizabeth J. Zechmeister
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Socioeconomic Development ◽  
Party System ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Subjective Perceptions ◽  
High Level ◽  
First Time ◽  
Leftist Parties

The authors combine elite and mass survey data to create indicators of representation for nine nations: Argentina, Bolivia, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Costa Rica, Ecuador, Mexico, and Uruguay. For the first time, a quantified measure of the extent to which political parties represent voters’ policy preferences in these countries is offered. The authors then examine the political, social, and economic correlates of representation. Consistent with extant literature and theory, they find that party system institutionalization and socioeconomic development are positively related to representation. On the other hand, drastic liberalization efforts seem to be associated with lower levels of representation. Furthermore, the authors find that leftist parties contribute to the representative structures of political systems. They also find that perceptions of fraud in an electoral system are correlated at a fairly high level with the indicator of representation: Citizens’ subjective perceptions of a system are consistent with its reality.

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