Sex in the Cinema: War, Moral Panic, and the British Film Industry, 1906–1918

2002 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 422-451 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dean Rapp

The film era in Britain commenced in early 1896, but its moral impact on viewers was not considered very much during its first decade. This was primarily because film was dispersed in a variety of venues like music halls and fairgrounds where other entertainment was provided, or in unused shops and other premises that were temporarily rented. Film thus had no permanent, separate identity as a leisure activity that took place in one particular type of public space, hence it was difficult for moralists to recognize, much less discern and evaluate its moral influence. Moreover, many of the middle class (from whom most moralists came) dismissed the early film industry as a passing, vulgar fad of the working class that need not be taken seriously.But moralists did begin to notice the impact of the industry when film acquired a conspicuous new identity of its own in the years after 1906 when thousands of purpose-built cinemas were constructed. The tremendous growth of both the cinemas and their mostly working-class, youthful audiences led some middle-class moralists to focus their attention on film for the first time. They soon concluded that the cinemas undermined the morality of their young audiences and launched a crusade against the film industry. The general outlines of the campaign are well known. Moralists charged that the darkened cinemas provided cover for couples to court and for some men to abuse children. They also asserted that many films were sensational ones about sexual indecency, crime, and violence. Such fare, they contended, encouraged immorality and incited juvenile delinquency among youth who imitated the crimes they saw enacted on screen. The moralists therefore demanded censorship of the films, brighter lighting in the cinemas to discourage sexual misbehavior, and police action against indecency. Moreover, Sabbatarians opposed the opening of the cinemas on Sundays as a further desecration of that holy day of rest.

Author(s):  
Florence Sutcliffe-Braithwaite

This chapter examines how ideas about class, community, and individualism figured in the modernization of the Labour Party in the 1980s and 1990s. It examines the development, under Kinnock and Blair, of a new imagined constituency for Labour—a ‘new working class’ or, as Blair put it, ‘new middle class’. The sources of this vision lay partly in academic theorizing, but also in the backgrounds of key modernizers, and in new polling and focus group techniques for researching social attitudes. Modernizers understood the new majoritarian constituency in society as united by aspirations, and reoriented socialism to emphasize the use of community action—through the state—to secure a wide distribution of opportunity and security throughout society, in order to enable individuals to achieve those aspirations. The chapter concludes by examining the impact of these beliefs on policy relating to poverty, inequality, trade unionism, and community.


Author(s):  
Woojeong Joo

This chapter deals with the period of the mid-1930s, when Ozu had to face new challenges from the pressure of commercialism to the coming of sound technology. The main question addresses whether and how the director maintained his critical view of Japanese modernity while using mass-oriented genre formats. Firstly, the conversion to sound in the Japanese film industry is investigated in relation to how it influenced Ozu’s filmmaking. It is followed by a discussion of Ozu’s Kihachi series (such as An Inn in Tokyo (1935)) and woman’s films (such as Woman of Tokyo (1933) and Dragnet Girl (1933)), as an evidence of the director’s expanding generic interest from the middle class into the working class and women. These generic terms will be finally confirmed through textual analysis of Ozu’s films to examine how Ozu’s everyday realism, while working within the context of established generic formats (such as ‘failed moga’ narrative in woman’s film), remains as a critical view of the Japanese modernity.


2014 ◽  
Vol 90 (1) ◽  
pp. 25-47 ◽  
Author(s):  
D.G. Paz

This article addresses three topics. It describes Chartisms creation of a ‘peoples history’ as an alternative to middle-class history, whether Whig or Tory. It locates the sources, most of which have not been noticed before, for the Chartist narrative of the English Reformation. William Cobbetts reinterpretation of the English Reformation is well known as a source for the working-class narrative; William Howitts much less familiar but more important source, antedating Cobbetts History of the Protestant Reformation in England, is used for the first time. The article reconstructs that narrative using printed and manuscript lectures and published interpretations dating from the first discussions of the Peoples Charter in 1836 to the last Chartist Convention in 1858. The manuscript lectures of Thomas Cooper are an essential but little-used source. The article contributes to historical understanding of the intellectual life of the English working class.


Author(s):  
Mar Griera

In recent years, yoga has gained popularity as a practice oriented to the search for personal, spiritual and physical well-being. The dominant profile of the yoga practitioner has been defined, mostly, as a woman, middle class and living in cities of the western world. However, recent research shows that yoga, as well as other practices from holistic spirituality, are also gaining ground among the male population. Nonetheless, there are almost no studies that focus on investigating the intersection between masculinity and holistic spirituality. This article is a first step to fill this gap. The objective is to understand sociologically the processes of popularization of yoga in a context with a majority presence of working class men -prison institutions-, and to analyze the impact of the practice of yoga in the emergence of alternative conceptions of masculinity


2017 ◽  
Vol 17 (3) ◽  
pp. 365-381 ◽  
Author(s):  
Setha Low

The impact of the security state is not only seen in the political and spatial restrictions on public space and the public sphere or inscribed in militarized national borders and cities, but also in the increasing penetration of the domestic and private realm of home. These securitization practices and how they work can be exposed through an ethnographic analysis of formal institutional structures as well as the affective, discursive and bodily practices that make up and regulate everyday life. Examining securitization as a scalar set of spatial practices and social processes that interlock through a desire for ‘security’ reveals how securitization is able to keep a political stranglehold not only on poor, homeless and marginalized people who are traditionally perceived to be at risk and the target of these controls, but also on middle-class social preferences, political actions, shared feelings, and daily movements. This paper explores five of these sociospatial securitization practices including spatial enclosure, surveillance, private governance, rules and regulations, and financialization of everyday life that constrict and then redirect middle-class home life in private housing regimes in New York City.


2020 ◽  
pp. 095001702094244
Author(s):  
Katie Rainwater

Existing research on wage inequality in the construction industry focuses on dual labour markets in which migrants earn considerably less than native workers. This article examines occupational inequality between higher-paid Thai and lower-paid Bangladeshi first-time guestworkers in Singapore’s low-wage construction industry. It argues that differently priced national groups of first-time construction guestworkers persist in Singapore’s industry; first, because Singapore wages are established with reference to the economies of sending states, and second, because construction firms associate worker productivity with nationality. Alleged differences in productivity between Thai and Bangladeshi guestworkers are related to the workers’ differently classed socialization in their home countries: Bangladeshis are recruited from their country’s middle-class, whereas Thais are working-class. Sourcing reflects the subset of each sending state’s population who can afford the considerable recruitment and training fees and are attracted by Singapore wages and work.


2020 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 290-301
Author(s):  
OK.Mohammad Fajar Ikhsan ◽  
Rabiul Islam ◽  
Kamarul Azman Khamis ◽  
Ariroza Sunjay

The change of trends in the global industrial revolution has impacted various advances in the economic and industrial system until the realization of a liberalization system and capitalization of the global economy. This study aims to examine the impact of the liberalization and capitalization of the digital economy on the middle class, working class, and lower class societies in one of the developing countries in the Southeast Asian region, Indonesia. The methodology used in this study is a descriptive qualitative analysis approach, based on data obtained from official sources and literature studies. The class disparity between the capital owner class, middle class and working-lower class, poverty, and forms of social inequality in the structure of society is increasingly apparent. At present, the emergence of an era known as the Industrial Revolution 4.0 led to the change of social and economic trends towards more advanced systems. This study assumed the changes in the patterns and forms of economic liberalization and capitalization that were previously implemented traditionally towards digital system through opening new online markets platform. The study also argues that the Industrial Revolution 4.0 differently impacted the middle class, working class, and lower class society in developing countries, particularly Indonesia.


2020 ◽  
Vol 16 (1) ◽  
pp. 47-63
Author(s):  
Sarah Attfield

The Australian mainstream media is dominated by middle-class voices, and this shapes the way working-class people are framed within the media. Working-class people have tended to be represented as responsible for their poverty, or ridiculed for their lack of sophistication. But could very small shifts be occurring, as some outlets acknowledge the impact of neo-liberalism on working-class people and point to some of the structural causes of inequality? This article looks at some examples of working-class representation in Australian newspapers, television news and current affairs programs, and considers the ways in which working-class people are presented. The article also asks whether the Australian mainstream media provides a place for working-class voices?


2012 ◽  
Vol 5 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-50 ◽  
Author(s):  
Dominic Cheetham

In three of Sir Arthur Conan-Doyle's Sherlock Holmes stories there are brief appearances of the Baker Street Irregulars, a group of ‘street Arabs’ who help Holmes with his investigations. These children have been re-imagined in modern children's literature in at least twenty-seven texts in a variety of media and with writers from both Britain and the United States. All these modern stories show a marked upward shift in the class of the Irregulars away from the lower working class of Conan-Doyle's originals. The shift occurs through attributing middle-class origins to the leaders of the Irregulars, through raising the class of the Irregulars in general, and through giving the children life environments more comfortable, safe, and financially secure than would have been possible for late-Victorian street children. Because of the variety in texts and writers, it is argued that this shift is not a result of the conscious political or ideological positions of individual writers, but rather reflects common unconscious narrative choices. The class-shift is examined in relation to the various pressures of conventions in children's literature, concepts of audience, and common concepts of class in society.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document