The Spanish American Aspect of Henry Clay’s American System

1967 ◽  
Vol 24 (01) ◽  
pp. 3-17 ◽  
Author(s):  
Randolph B. Campbell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Public Services ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
American System ◽  
Emerging Nations ◽  
Henry Clay

Henry Clay of Kentucky first offered his American System as a plan to guide the growth of the United States during the period of awakening nationalism that followed the Peace of Ghent in 1815. When asked just before his death in 1852 to make up a list of his most important public services for use by some friends who were having a medal struck to commemorate his career, Clay prepared a list of fourteen items which included the American System with the date, 1824. Thus, at the end of his long career, the Kentuckian identified this phrase with his most famous speech in support of the protective tariff. It may then seem surprising that his first recorded use of the term came on May 10, 1820, in a speech supporting recognition of the emerging nations of Spanish America. Clay’s use of “American System” in these two apparently different areas of discussion has led to two separate connotations for the phrase. The two meanings call for careful discrimination. Equally important, however, is the significant connection between them in the thought of Henry Clay.

Henry Clay and the Poinsett Pledge Controversy of 1826

1972 ◽  
Vol 28 (4) ◽  
pp. 429-440
Author(s):  
Randolph Campbell
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Monroe Doctrine ◽  
Secretary Of State ◽  
Initial Task ◽  
Practical Implications ◽  
American Nation

It is well known that the initial task of interpreting the Monroe Doctrine as a functional policy in international relations fell largely on John Quincy Adams. Somewhat ironically, the noncolonization principle in Monroe's famed Annual Message of 1823 for which Adams, then Secretary of State, was most responsible, received relatively little attention in the 1820's. Leaders in the United States and Spanish America alike were more concerned with the meaning of the other main principle involved in the Message—nonintervention. What were the practical implications of Monroe's warning that the United States would consider intervention by a European power in the affairs of any independent American nation “ as the manifestation of an unfriendly disposition toward the United States ” ? John Quincy Adams laid the groundwork for an answer to this question in July, 1824, when Colombia, alarmed by rumors of French interference in the wars for independence, sought a treaty of alliance. The President and Congress, Adams replied, would take the necessary action to support nonintervention if a crisis arose, but there would be no alliance. In fact, he added, it would be necessary for the United States to have an understanding with certain European powers whose principles and interests also supported nonintervention before any action could be taken or any alliance completed to uphold it. The position taken by the Secretary of State cooled enthusiasm for the Monroe Doctrine, but Spanish American leaders did not accept this rebuff in 1824 as final.

The Rise and Decline of the Ariel-Caliban Antithesis in Spanish America

1978 ◽  
Vol 34 (3) ◽  
pp. 345-355 ◽  
Author(s):  
John T. Reid
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Latin America ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Spanish Speaking ◽  
The North ◽  
Primary Image ◽  
Literary Device

Seldom has a literary device had such international political resonance as the famous Ariel-Caliban contraposition of José Enrique Rodó's essay. In the decades immediately following its publication in 1900 Ariel was an exceptionally valued credo for Spanish American youth, not only for its intrinsic grace, but also because it provided a timely answer to a widespread need. To a generation depressed by the frequently pessimistic conclusions of racist doctrines and an uneasy sense of inferiority, and irked by the admonitions of ninteenthcentury “Nordomaniacs,” Ariel offered in sonorous periods a set of values assumed to be peculiarly Latin and therefore the patrimony of Latin America. As Alberto Zum Felde says, “It was the longed-for reply of this weak backward America to the Titanic potentiality of the North: its self-justification, its compensation, its retaliation.” Luis Alberto Sánchez's generation must have derived, as he says he did, its primary image of the United States from Ariel. Arturo Torres-Ríoseco describes it as “the ethical gospel of the Spanish-speaking world.”

The Limits of Sympathy: The United States and the Independence of Spanish America

1992 ◽  
Vol 24 (3) ◽  
pp. 481-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Piero Gleijeses
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Significant Loss ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Congressional Debates ◽  
The Press ◽  
The Us ◽  
Private Collections

Sir, is there to be no limit to our benevolence for these People? There is a point, beyond which, even parental bounty and natural affection cease to impose an obligation. That point has been attained with the States of Spanish America.1Of course there was sympathy for the Spanish American rebels in the United States. How could it have been otherwise? The rebels were fighting Spain, long an object of hatred and contempt. This alone justified goodwill, as did the hope for increased trade and the prospect of a significant loss of European influence in the hemisphere.2 But how deep did this sympathy run?In the Congressional debates of the period there was much more enthusiasm for the cause of the Greeks than that of the Spanish Americans.3 Similarly, the press referred frequently to private collections of funds (‘liberal donations’) for the Greek fighters – not for the Spanish Americans. This is not surprising. The US public could feel a bond with the Greeks – ‘it will become even quite fashionable to assist the descendants of those who were the bulwark of light and knowledge in old times, in rescuing themselves from the dominion of a barbarian race'.4 Unlike the Greeks, however, the Spanish Americans were of dubious whiteness. Unlike the Greeks, they hailed not from a race of giants, but – when they were white – from degraded Spanish stock.5 Some US citizens felt for them the kinship of a common struggle against European colonial rule; others agreed with John Quincy Adams: ‘So far as they were contending for independence, I wished well to their cause; but I had seen and yet see no prospect that they would establish free or liberal institutions of government.

Francisco de Miranda

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrey Iserov
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
New York ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Historical Change ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Interesting Phenomenon ◽  
Republic Of Letters ◽  
Founding Fathers ◽  
Military Commander

Francisco de Miranda (March 28, 1750, Caracas, Venezuela—July 14, 1816, La Carraca, Spain) was a Spanish American revolutionary who after a career in the Spanish Army from 1783 devoted his life to the cause of Spanish American independence. The various designs of Miranda in the 1780s–1800s were founded upon the idea of a military liberation expedition to Spanish America led by him and organized with the support of a power (Great Britain, United States, France) in conflict with Spain that would then foment existing discontent and lead to a wide-scale revolt and independence. Though these plans failed, as did his attempt to organize an expedition from New York without the support of any power (1805–1807), in 1810 the revolution in Spanish America started without his participation as a consequence of the Napoleonic invasion of Spain. Miranda was called to Caracas and eventually led the short-lived First Venezuelan Republic in 1812. After its defeat he spent the last years of his life in Spanish jails. Miranda’s failure influenced the South American revolutionaries who adopted the tactics of unconditional warfare against the Spanish troops from 1813. A shrewd and sophisticated expert in world affairs and political intrigues and an acclaimed military commander, Miranda was persistently trying to use the conflicts between great powers to achieve his goal though he knew that these powers’ leaders were eager to use him as a trump card against the Spanish Empire in their geopolitical games. His contacts ranged from US Founding Fathers, British Prime Minister William Pitt the Younger and Viscount Melville to the Prussian king Friedrich II and the Russian empress Catherine II. He was a respected peer in the high society of the European “republic of letters” in the Age of Enlightenment. In the United States his friends belonged to the Federalist Party, which represents an interesting phenomenon since Federalists are usually viewed as being generally skeptical toward foreign revolutions. In Spanish America Miranda’s ideas received no support until 1810–1812, as his failed expedition clearly shows—this is an excellent example of the interplay between “evental history” (histoire évenémentielle) and the longue durée, demonstrating how fast and unpredictable radical historical change may be. In spite of this long political solitude, Miranda entered the Spanish American symbolic pantheon as the precursor of independence.

The Spanish-American Works of Alexander von Humboldt as Viewed By Leading British Periodicals, 1800–1830

1973 ◽  
Vol 29 (4) ◽  
pp. 442-448 ◽  
Author(s):  
Calvin P. Jones
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
The United States ◽  
Thomas Jefferson ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
German Scientist ◽  
Alexander Von Humboldt ◽  
The World ◽  
Spanish Colonies ◽  
Scientific Survey

Perhaps the most significant scientific works published about Spanish-America during the entire era 1800–1830 were the botanical and zoological findings of the German scientist, Alexander von Humboldt. He had traveled in the Spanish colonies from 1799 to 1804. Humboldt has been acclaimed as the greatest naturalist that the world had seen since Aristotle and as the foremost man in Europe during his lifetime with the exception of Napoleon. He had taken a scientific education in several German universities and had once held an appointment in Berlin as a mining official for the Prussian government. On his way back to Europe in 1804 at the conclusion of his scientific survey in Spanish-America, he stopped in the United States to visit President Thomas Jefferson who asked him to fix the new boundaries of the United States following the purchase of Louisiana. This side trip probably saved Humboldt’s life because the ship which sailed from South America with his specimens was lost at sea.

The Politics of US Latino Literature and American Realism

2019 ◽  
pp. 231-248
Author(s):  
Ramón J. Guerra
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Social Justice ◽  
Mexican Revolution ◽  
The United States ◽  
Spanish American ◽  
Spanish American War ◽  
Men And Women ◽  
Latino Literature ◽  
The Common ◽  
Racial Ethnic

This chapter examines the development of Latino literature in the United States during the time when realism emerged as a dominant aesthetic representation. Beginning with the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (1848) and including the migrations resulting from the Spanish-American War (1898) and the Mexican Revolution (1910), Latinos in the United States began to realistically craft an identity served by a sense of displacement. Latinos living in the United States as a result of migration or exile were concerned with similar issues, including but not limited to their predominant status as working-class, loss of homeland and culture, social justice, and racial/ethnic profiling or discrimination. The literature produced during the latter part of the nineteenth century by some Latinos began to merge the influence of romantic style with a more socially conscious manner to reproduce the lives of ordinary men and women, draw out the specifics of their existence, characterize their dialects, and connect larger issues to the concerns of the common man, among other realist techniques.

PROVIDING FREE LEGAL ASSISTANCE TO PERSONS SENTENCED TO IMPRISONMENT IN RUSSIA AND THE USA: A COMPARATIVE ANALYSIS

2021 ◽  
pp. 14-19
Author(s):  
Оксана Алексеевна Владимирова
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Comparative Analysis ◽  
The United States ◽  
Synthesis Methods ◽  
Legal Assistance ◽  
American System ◽  
The Usa ◽  
Legal Foundations ◽  
The Subject ◽  
Domestic Practice

Статья посвящена исследованию опыта оказания бесплатной юридической помощи осужденным к лишению свободы в США, а также проведению сравнительного анализа данного и отечественного опыта. Целью работы является изучение основных организационных аспектов и правовых основ оказания юридической помощи такой категории граждан, как осужденные, с целью установления закономерностей и выявления возможности использования положительных аспектов указанного опыта в российском законодательстве. Методы, использующиеся при написании статьи: диалектический, анализ, синтез, сравнительно-правовой. В статье последовательно изучается организация оказания бесплатной юридической помощи осужденным и их родственникам в различных регионах (штатах) США. Особое внимание уделяется субъектам оказания помощи, а также специфике отдельных механизмов и особенностей работы организаций по оказанию безвозмездной помощи осужденным. В качестве особенности американской системы оказания правовой помощи автор особенно выделяет предметный (специализированный) подход к вопросам оказания помощи - отдельные организации занимаются оказанием помощи по выбранному узкому кругу вопросов. Исследование российского опыта правовой помощи осужденным позволяет отметить некоторые преимущества. Вместе с тем, анализ проблем, существующих в системе оказания бесплатной юридической помощи осужденным к лишению свободы, позволил сделать вывод о необходимости совершенствования системы юридической помощи в России. В результате работы выявлен положительный опыт, возможный для применения в российском законодательстве. The article is devoted to the study of the experience of providing free legal assistance to those sentenced to imprisonment in the United States, as well as to the comparative analysis of this experience and that available in domestic practice. The purpose of this work is to study the main organizational aspects and legal foundations of providing legal assistance to such a category of citizens as convicts in order to establish patterns and identify the possibility of using the positive aspects of this experience in Russian legislation. Methods used in this study: dialectical method of cognition, analysis, synthesis, methods of comparative law. The article consistently examines the organization of the provision of free legal assistance to convicts and their relatives in various regions (states) of the United States. Great attention is paid to the subjects of assistance, as well as the specifics of individual mechanisms and features of the work of organizations to provide gratuitous assistance to convicts. As a feature of the American system of providing legal assistance, the author especially highlights the subject (specialized) approach to assistance issues - individual organizations are involved in providing assistance on a selected narrow range of issues. The study of the Russian experience of legal assistance to convicts reveals some advantages. At the same time, the analysis of the problems existing in the system of providing free legal assistance to those sentenced to imprisonment made it possible to conclude that it is necessary to improve the system of legal assistance in Russia. As a result of the work, a positive experience was revealed that could be applied in Russian legislation.

“A Stalwart Motor of Revolutions”: An American Merchant in Pernambuco, 1817-1825

2008 ◽  
Vol 65 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Caitlin A. Fitz
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Nineteenth Century ◽  
New World ◽  
The United States ◽  
Thomas Jefferson ◽  
Spanish America ◽  
New Order ◽  
Early Nineteenth Century ◽  
Old World ◽  
Republican Government

A new order for the New World was unfolding in the early nineteenth century, or so many in the United States believed. Between 1808 and 1825, all of Portuguese America and nearly all of Spanish America broke away from Europe, casting off Old World monarchs and inaugurating home-grown governments instead. People throughout the United States looked on with excitement, as the new order seemed at once to vindicate their own revolution as well as offer new possibilities for future progress. Free from obsolete European alliances, they hoped, the entire hemisphere could now rally together around republican government and commercial reciprocity. Statesmen and politicians were no exception, as men from Thomas Jefferson and James Monroe to John Quincy Adams and Henry Clay tried to exclude European influence from the hemisphere while securing new markets for American manufactures and agricultural surplus.

GIUSTIZIA SPORTIVA, ARBITRATO DEGLI AGENTI SPORTIVI, REGOLAMENTO DEGLI AGENTI SPORTIVI, TERMINE PER LA DOMANDA D’ARBITRATO

2021 ◽  
Vol 2 (2 - 2021) ◽  
Author(s):  
Giovanni di Corrado
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Justice System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Disciplinary Action ◽  
American System ◽  
Arbitration Procedure ◽  
Weak Points ◽  
Sports Arbitration

The Author focuses on US sports arbitration in professional leagues, raising strong doubts about the bias of the Commissioner, in the context of a system in which the same person who initiated, in his capacity as “head” of a sports league professional, disciplinary action against a player also decides whether a penalty should be imposed on him. Doubts that are linked to the multiplicity of roles that this subject can cover in the same arbitration procedure of the NFL and also to the fact that, in recent years, he is no longer perceived as an impartial and independent subject who takes care of the interest of sport, but rather seen as the CEO (CEO) of the Owners League. A very different solution than those practiced in our country. The survey offers some points of comparison on the weak points of the American system: one of these is the sports justice system which in the United States is predominantly arbitrary in nature.

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