The Role of Organized Masses in the Military Campaign

2019 ◽  
pp. 220-234
2019 ◽  
Vol 33 (67) ◽  
pp. 175-197
Author(s):  
Eduardo Rizzatti Salomão

Este artigo tem por objetivo discutir o impacto da Guerra do Contestado (1912- 1916) nas políticas de modernização e reorganização do Exército Brasileiro no século XX. Um dos propósitos é analisar os possíveis desdobramentos desse conflito no campo da política de defesa. Observa-se que, se o resultado da Primeira Guerra Mundial determinou a contratação da Missão Militar Francesa para operar a modernização do Exército Brasileiro, a campanha militar no Contestado evidenciou as debilidades da instituição militar e contribuiu decisivamente para a adoção de medidas reformadoras. Busca-se, também, evidenciar que o estudo desse conflito tem muito a revelar sobre a formação da mentalidade militar e o papel do Exército na sociedade brasileira.   This article aims to discuss the impact of the Contestado War (1912-1916) on the modernization and reorganization policies of the Brazilian Army in the 20th century. One of the purposes is to analyze the possible consequences of this conflict in the field of defense policy. It is observed that if the result of the 1st Word War determined the hiring of the French Military Mission to operate the modernization of the Brazilian Army, the military campaign in the Contestado highlighted the weaknesses of the military institution and contributed decisively to the adoption of reform measures. It also seeks to show that the study of this conflict has much to reveal about the formation of the military mentality and the role of the Army in the Brazilian society   Este artículo tiene por objetivo discutir el impacto de la Guerra del Contestado (1912- 1916) en las políticas de modernización y reorganización del Ejército Brasileño en el siglo XX. Uno de los propósitos es analizar los posibles desdoblamientos de ese conflicto en el campo de la política de defensa. Se observa que, si el resultado de la Primera Guerra Mundial determinó la contratación de la Misión Militar Francesa para operar la modernización del Ejército Brasileño, la campaña militar en el Contestado evidenció las debilidades de la institución militar y contribuyó decisivamente a la adopción de medidas reformadoras. Se busca, también, evidenciar que el estudio de ese conflicto tiene mucho que revelar sobre la formación de la mentalidad militar y el papel del Ejército en la sociedad brasileña. Palabras Clave: Contestado. Ejército brasileño. Política de defensa.


Author(s):  
Sergey S. Pashin ◽  
Victoria A. Yurshina

The article is devoted to the study of the stay of Prince Mikhail Olelkovich in Novgorod in 1470-1471 or rather, the degree of influence that he exerted on subsequent Moscow-Novgorod and Novgorod-Lithuanian relations. This problem was highlighted by Russian historians, however, their research looks like lengthy summary chronicles with intermediate and final comments. The authors of the article believe that such an opinion is based on an uncritical assessment of sources – Russian chronicles. We distinguish four versions of narrative sources with the mention of Mikhail Olelkovich: Novgorod, Pskov, Moscow and Sofia. Particular attention is paid to discrepancies in information in the sources, since it is precisely the discrepancies that help to see the specifics of perception of the events of interest to us by the authors of the sources. The Novgorod annals briefly mention the arrival of Prince Mikhail Olelkovich in Novgorod, without giving an assessment of his actions. The Pskov chroniclers gave detailed chronological guidelines for the prince’s stay in Novgorod and attempted to denigrate him. Official Moscow chroniclers believed that Mikhail Olelkovich was a protege of the Lithuanian prince Casimir in Novgorod.In addition, the dating of events given by Moscow chroniclers does not coincide with the dates of the Pskovites. The literary monument “Slovesa Isbrannija...” as part of the Sofia First and related annals basically repeats the Moscow version of the presentation of events, with the exception of two plots. Sources do not allow clarifying the real role of Mikhail Olelkovich in the events of the 1470s, but the fact that his presence influenced the military campaign of Ivan III to Novgorod in the summer of 1471 is obvious.


Author(s):  
Dmitry A. Kosourov ◽  

This article is devoted to a new consideration of the issue of the number and dating of the embassies of king Bagrat IV of Georgia (1027–1072) to Constantinople during the reign of the Byzantine emperor Constantine IX Monomachos (1042–1055). Contrary to I. A. Javakhishvili’s point of view, generally accepted in historiography about the existence of the only embassy of Bagrat IV to Byzantium in 1054–1057, the author promotes the hypothesis about the existence of two embassies, in 1047 and 1050–1052/1053 respectively. This hypothesis is proved, in addition to the source analysis of the Georgian text of the Chronicle of Kartli, by referring to Byzantine and Armenian narrative sources, as well as by using information from the recently explored manuscript Q-1376 from the Georgian National Centre of Manuscripts. A comparison of data from sources allows the author to link the reason for the two embassies of the Georgian king to Byzantium with the escalation of the internal Georgian conflict between Bagrat IV and Liparit IV Baghuashi, Duke of Kldekari after the Battle of Sasireti in 1046. Also, the article highlights several new features in it, in particular, the conditions of truces between the two sides, the date of Liparit’s liberation from the Seljuk captivity, as well as the possible participation in the conflict of Leonti Mroveli, a famous Georgian historian of the eleventh century. Also, the article examines the consequences of the two trips of Bagrat IV to Constantinople for the Byzantine foreign policy on its eastern borders and, more particularly, clarifies the dating and circumstances of the military campaign of raiktor Nikephoros against the Shaddadid emir of Dvin Abu’l-Aswar in 1049, as well as the role of Georgian noblemen in this campaign.


2020 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 137-142
Author(s):  
ALEXEY ROMAKHIN ◽  

This article reveals the problem of the role of the religious factor in the formation of the value orientations of the military personnel of the Russian army from its inception to the present state. In the article, the author reveals the significance of the Church in the formation of the value orientations of military personnel. The problem of religious situation in foreign armies is considered. The article presents data from sociological studies confirming the increase in the number of religious servicemen in the modern Armed Forces. The concept of “religious factor” is revealed. The author suggests considering the influence of the religious factor on the formation of value orientations through the functions of religion. The article provides examples of the influence of religion on the formation of value orientations of military personnel from the time of the Baptism of Russia to the present. Examples of writers of Russian classical literature about the influence of religion on the morale of troops are given. Examples of religious participation in major battles and wars of the past years are shown. The significance of the religious factor in uniting the people and the army is shown. The work of officials of the Ministry of defense of the Russian Federation in strengthening values among military personnel in modern conditions is demonstrated. The role of the Minister of defense of the Russian Federation, General of the army S.K. Shoigu in strengthening the faith of the Russian army is outlined. Issues related to the construction of the Main Temple of the Armed Forces and its impact on the public masses were discussed. In this study, the author aims to show the significant role of religion in the formation of value orientations in Russian military personnel. The analysis shows an increasing role of religion in the minds of military personnel in modern conditions.


Author(s):  
Michael Koortbojian

The ancient Romans famously distinguished between civic life in Rome and military matters outside the city—a division marked by the pomerium, an abstract religious and legal boundary that was central to the myth of the city's foundation. This book explores, by means of images and texts, how the Romans used social practices and public monuments to assert their capital's distinction from its growing empire, to delimit the proper realms of religion and law from those of war and conquest, and to establish and disseminate so many fundamental Roman institutions across three centuries of imperial rule. The book probes such topics as the appearance in the city of Romans in armor, whether in representation or in life, the role of religious rites on the battlefield, and the military image of Constantine on the arch built in his name. Throughout, the book reveals how, in these instances and others, the ancient ideology of crossing the pomerium reflects the efforts of Romans not only to live up to the ideals they had inherited, but also to reconceive their past and to validate contemporary practices during a time when Rome enjoyed growing dominance in the Mediterranean world. The book explores a problem faced by generations of Romans—how to leave and return to hallowed city ground in the course of building an empire.


Author(s):  
Timur Gimadeev

The article deals with the history of celebrating the Liberation Day in Czechoslovakia organised by the state. Various aspects of the history of the holiday have been considered with the extensive use of audiovisual documents (materials from Czechoslovak newsreels and TV archives), which allowed for a detailed analysis of the propaganda representation of the holiday. As a result, it has been possible to identify the main stages of the historical evolution of the celebrations of Liberation Day, to discover the close interdependence between these stages and the country’s political development. The establishment of the holiday itself — its concept and the military parade as the main ritual — took place in the first post-war years, simultaneously with the consolidation of the Communist regime in Czechoslovakia. Later, until the end of the 1960s, the celebrations gradually evolved along the political regime, acquiring new ritual forms (ceremonial meetings, and “guards of memory”). In 1968, at the same time as there was an attempt to rethink the entire socialist regime and the historical experience connected with it, an attempt was made to reconstruct Liberation Day. However, political “normalisation” led to the normalisation of the celebration itself, which played an important role in legitimising the Soviet presence in the country. At this stage, the role of ceremonial meetings and “guards of memory” increased, while inventions released in time for 9 May appeared and “May TV” was specially produced. The fall of the Communist regime in 1989 led to the fall of the concept of Liberation Day on 9 May, resulting in changes of the title, date and paradigm of the holiday, which became Victory Day and has been since celebrated on 8 May.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 67
Author(s):  
N. V. Litvak

The article considers the scientific diplomacy — a relatively new phenomenon in international practice — as a type of diplomacy which took shape quite recently, in the 21st century, with the advent of both the term itself, and the corresponding concepts, and the Foreign Ministry units of some countries. However, it is necessary to clarify the terminology and essence of this practice, which has a much more long history. At the present time, there is a reassessment of this historical experience, as well as another attempt to put science in the civil service in one more — diplomatic aspect, as it has already happened with the military, educational and some other areas. At the same time, the scientific community itself in this process has the opportunity to play not only the role of an object or a passive performer. The demand for science is clearly manifested in periods of war and conflict, which in various forms do not stop today. This causes the urgency of the problem. At the same time, the conscious activity of politicians and scientists is combined with objective, independently developing, incl. latently, unobviously, by the processes of political struggle and scientific knowledge, which leads to complex combinations of interrelations between politics and science. The study of such events and processes allows us to draw some conclusions regarding relations between science and diplomacy, to determine the trend of consistent “scientification” of diplomacy, like of any other sphere of society, the transition from diplomacy-mail (communication) through diplomacy-art to diplomacy-science, formulate a hypothesis that diplomacy in general is a scientific project.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document