The New Order and the Future of Boxing

2019 ◽  
pp. 199-211
Keyword(s):  
Penamas ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 33 (2) ◽  
pp. 185
Author(s):  
Tiwi - Etika

This article is the result of a research on the Kaharingan problematic issues of religious identity after being integrated into Hindu Dharma. During the ‘New Order’ (President Soeharto's government) Kaharingan religion was not included in one of the religions served by the state. The issue of state recognition and the ease of obtaining civil services for Kaharingan adherents are strong reasons for Kaharingan religious leaders to integrate Kaharingan as part of Hinduism. The research raises the issues: (1) how is the process of integrating Kaharingan religion into Hindu Dharma? (2) what are the implications of such integration? and, (3) how is the existence of Kaharingan religious identity as the original ‘Dayak tribe religion’ after integration into Hindu Dharma in the future? This study aims to portray the existence of Kaharingan religion during integration into Hindu Dharma. This type of research is qualitative-descriptive with the method of collecting data through observation and interviews with religious leaders and administrators of religious institutions namely the Hindu Kaharingan Grand Council (MB-AHK), as well as an analysis of documents related to the object of research. Theories used in this research are integration theory, identity theory and locality theory. The integration process has implications for various fields, ranging from education, social, religious, economic, political upto cultural identity. The future challenges of Kaharingan are: internal conflict, a dilemma of distortion from third parties and stigmatization as one of the Hindu Dharma sects.


Author(s):  
Rafael Vidal Jiménez

Es tiempo para reflexionar sobre las consecuencias que, para el pensamiento historiográfico, significan los nuevos modos de representación simbólica del tiempo relacionados con los cambios materiales e intelectuales de fin de siglo. Los viejos paradigmas positivistas y estructuralistas, de naturaleza moderna (racionalidad, explicación, objetividad, linealidad, teleología, necesidad, normativismo, universalidad), van dando paso a nuevos modelos de construcción del relato histórico según patrones fenomenológico-hermenéuticos (interpretación, ruptura, azar, relativismo, localismo). La crisis de la idea ilustrada de progreso está impulsando una nueva concepción "anti-histórica», en la medida en que la historia se convierte en espacio temporal pluridimensional, ambiguo, efímero, atemporal. El nuevo tiempo de la historia deja de ser proyectivo. ¿No estaremos ante la elaboración simbólica de una experiencia vital verdaderamente ahistóríca? ¿Qué puede representar ello en lo que respecta al cambio social? ¿Paralización? ¿Congelación y perpetuación del nuevo orden? ¿Es posible ya la anticipación del futuro desde un presente desligado de toda secuencia racionalmente inteligible para el sujeto?.It's time to think about the consequences which, to the historiographic though, mean the new ways of symbolic representation of time related to the material and intelectual changes at the end of this century. The old positivist and structuralist paradigms, of modern nature (rationality, explanation, objectivity, lineality, teleology, necessity, universality), are giving way to the new models of construction of the historical discourse following phenomenological-hermeneutical patterns (interpretation, rupture, chance, relativism, localism). The crisis of the enlightened idea of progress is urging a new non-historie conception, as for as history turns inte temporal space which is also multi-dimensional, ambiguous, ephemeral, nontemporal. The new time of history is no longer projecting to the future. Isn´t it possible we are facing a symbolic elaboratlon of a vital experience which is truely nonhistorie? What can it represent in the social change? Can it be paralysation? Can it be freezing and perpetuation of a new order? Is it already possible the anticipation of the future from a present which is detached from any sequence rationaly understandable to the subject?


1974 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 5-7

During the past forty years the dominant preoccupation of scholars writing on Livy has been the relationship between the historian and the emperor Augustus, and its effects on the Ab Urbe Condita. Tacitus’ testimony that the two were on friendly terms, and Suetonius’ revelation that Livy found time to encourage the historical studies of the future emperor Claudius, appeared to have ominous overtones to scholars writing against the political backcloth of Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy. Though the subject had not been wholly ignored previously, the success of the German cultural propaganda-machine stimulated a spate of approving or critical treatments. While some were hailing Livy as the historian whose work signalled and glorified the new order, others following a similar interpretation were markedly scathing.


2020 ◽  
Vol 96 (3) ◽  
pp. 749-766
Author(s):  
André Barrinha ◽  
Thomas Renard

Abstract It is becoming widely accepted that we have transitioned, or are now transitioning, from an international liberal order to a different reality. Whether that reality is different solely in terms of power dynamics, or also in terms of values and institutions, is up for discussion. The growing body of literature on ‘post-liberalism’ is used as an entry-point for this article, which aims to explore how the post-liberal transition applies to cyberspace. We explore how power dynamics are evolving in cyberspace, as well as how established norms, values and institutions are contested. The article then looks at the emergence of cyber diplomacy as a consequence and response to the post-liberal transition. As it will be argued, if cyberspace was a creation of the liberal order, cyber-diplomacy is a post-liberal world practice. What role it plays in shaping a new order or building bridges between different political visions, and what it means for the future of cyberspace, will constitute key points of discussion.


1942 ◽  
Vol 36 (4) ◽  
pp. 596-613 ◽  
Author(s):  
D. Goedhuis

The way the peace negotiators shape the new order in the air may well have a decisive influence on the fate of mankind for generations to come. When the peace negotiators come to consider the status of the airspace and the problems of air communications, there will be not only specific questions of commercial interest and the potential military value of these communications requiring their attention, but they will have to realize that, as the energies of more and more men seek scope in the air, resulting in a general outward impulse of the nations, issues of vital moment affecting the welfare of mankind are at stake. It is clear that the solution of this problem will be determined, to a great extent, by the solution of the problem as to the form or constitution of the new international political order, which is closely bound up with the future of the group-unit of power.


Author(s):  
Rahmat Salam

Pancasila is the basis of our country and the nation's view of life, which is extracted from the noble values of the nation's culture. However, along with the development of time, the practice and implementation of the Pancasila practice are always adjusted to the regime's will in power. In the Old Order era, Pancasila was used as an ideological tool; during the New Order, Pancasila was carried out purely and consistently but followed the regime's will in power at that time. In the Reformation Age, the implementation of Pancasila, which was expected to be following the original, even began to be abandoned because the people were more faced with a free lifestyle with liberal understanding. This article will try to highlight the position of Pancasila during the New Order regime when President Suharto was in power and compare it with the work of Pancasila Post-reformation starting from the fall of the New Order until now and looking at the challenges that will be faced in the future.


2013 ◽  
Vol 8 ◽  
pp. 1-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simon Butt

AbstractIn 2008, Indonesia introduced its first “freedom of information” statute – Law 14 of 2008 on Disclosure of Public Information (the “FOI Law” or the “Law”) – which became fully operational in 2010. The FOI Law is an important component of the government transparency and accountability mechanisms established after Soeharto and his authoritarian “New Order” government fell in 1998. This article assesses the extent to which the FOI Law has been effective in requiring public bodies to disclose “public” information that they would rather keep within their ranks. More time is needed for these reforms to take hold. However, this article, which provides the first academic analysis of the freedom of information reforms “in practice”, shows that Indonesia’s central Information Commission and the courts have, with two important exceptions, applied the FOI Law in favour of information-seekers, thereby providing some reason for optimism for the future of this reform.


2000 ◽  
Vol 28 (2) ◽  
pp. 11-33 ◽  
Author(s):  
Vedi R. Hadiz

AbstractDramatic changes occurring in Indonesia since the fall of Soeharto may suggest that a complete break has taken place with the system of power and social order that was nurtured under his rule. Indeed, Indonesia has entered a new phase in its history. However, the legacy of the New Order will continue to greatly influence Indonesia's post-Soeharto social and political trajectory. One of the major features of the New Order was a system of power which prohibited the emergence of effective lower-class based movements and organizations and one in which elites were insulated from lower-class pressure. This is very important to our understanding of the future course of democratic struggles in Indonesia.


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