scholarly journals Changing Geopolitics and Negotiating Postures in the India-China Border Dispute

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Z. Daulet Singh
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
China Policy ◽  
Border Dispute ◽  
Big Picture ◽  
The Last Two Millennia ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
India And China

The article is based on the author’s most recent book Powershift: India-China Relations in a Multipolar World (2020). It retraces the most salient moments and episodes in the India China border issue ever since the crisis broke out in 1959. What we learn from history is Chinese leaders have often shaped their policy on India as part of a wider geopolitical calculus, typically linked to the degree of pressure Chinese perceive on other geopolitical fronts. For India too, the nature of great powers relations impacts how it formulates China policy. This basic framework has remained relevant until the present day.Over the past decade, as the world order began shifting to a multipolar balance of power, India and China have confronted challenges in their relationship. The relationship is at a crossroad, and both Delhi and Beijing are struggling to find an equilibrium that allows both sides to pursue their interests and visions. Nevertheless, as Asia is returning to what it was for 1,800 years of the last two millennia, and, it is that big picture trend that Indian and Chinese leaders must pay attention to. Ultimately, this means stabilising India China relations

scholarly journals Estado e organismos internacionais: limites à cooperação sob a ótica realista/State and international organizations: limits to cooperation under realist optic

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-557
Author(s):  
Augusto Leal Rinaldi ◽  
Cristiano Morini
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Research Use ◽  
Extensive Literature ◽  
Relative Power ◽  
Patterns Of Behavior ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
International Anarchy

Uma das abordagens correntes de análise das relações internacionais é aquela que se refere ao relacionamento entre os Estados e as Organizações Internacionais. Temos como objetivo demonstrar que quando os Estados agem conforme seus próprios interesses e determinações, qualquer tentativa de controle por parte das instituições é sobrepujada. A pesquisa se utiliza amplamente de uma literatura ancorada num referencial teórico realista. A discussão avança no sentido de apontar que a condição de anarquia internacional e, subjacente a ela, as relações geradas pelos cálculos da balança de poder são fatores determinantes da limitação à cooperação. Apontamos algumas razões para essa alegação, entre elas: Organizações Internacionais dependem dos Estados para surgir e operar; elas não são grandes players internacionais; são instrumentos que servem para pressionar países de menor poder relativo a aceitar (legitimar) os padrões de comportamento ditados pelas potências dominantes e assegurar-se de que a balança de poder seja mantida ou favorecida à mais forte entre elas; o sistema, fracamente institucionalizado, corrobora para uma ação mais desenvolta das grandes potências. Concluímos, além disso, que o realismo é explicativo da paralisia do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, como no caso demonstrado a partir do recente impasse na Síria.Palavras-Chave: Realismo; Organizações Internacionais; Cooperação.  Abstract: One of the current approaches of analysis in international relations is that which refers to the relationship between States and International Organizations. We aim to show that when states act according to their own interests and determinations, any attempt to control by the institutions is surpassed. The research use an extensive literature anchored in a realistic theoretical framework. The discussion progresses to point out that the condition of international anarchy and behind it, the relations generated by the calculations of the balance of power are determinants of limitation of the cooperation. We point out some reasons for this claim, including: International Organizations rely on states to emerge and operate; they are not big international players; are tools that serve to pressure countries to accept lower relative power (legitimate) patterns of behavior dictated by the dominant powers and ensure that the balance of power is maintained or favored the strongest among them; the system, weakly institutionalized, supports for a more nimble action of the great powers. We conclude, furthermore, that realism is explanatory of the paralysis of the Security Council of the UN, as in the case shown from the recent stalemate in Syria.Key Words: Realism; International Organizations; Cooperation.  DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n3p516-557 

Russia’s China Policy: Growing Asymmetries and Hedging Options

2021 ◽  
Vol 6 (4) ◽  
pp. 531-550
Author(s):  
Igor Denisov ◽  
Alexander Lukin
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
China Policy ◽  
The Past ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
Recent Trends ◽  
Near Term ◽  
Economic Partnership

Abstract This article examines the state and prospects of Russia’s policy toward China. We look at recent trends in the evolution of the world order, the history of Moscow-Beijing relations, and the changes in the balance of power between Russia and China to offer a forecast of Russia’s China policy in the near term. Special attention is paid to the role of the 2001 Treaty of Good-Neighborliness, Friendship, and Cooperation. The authors conclude that, despite the Treaty’s significance, the international situation – and indeed the relative strengths of the two countries – have significantly changed over the past 20 years. The new conditions will inevitably compel Russia to adjust its policy toward China. Moscow, as always, will seek to develop its political and economic partnership with Beijing. However, it will likely move toward hedging against risks that excessive dependence on China could bring about.

scholarly journals What Is Drawing Xi’s China and Lukashenko’s Belarus Closer?

2021 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 1-24
Author(s):  
Solomiya Kharchuk ◽  
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
External Funding ◽  
Weak State ◽  
Contemporary World ◽  
Quantitative Data Analysis ◽  
New Strategy ◽  
Sphere Of Influence ◽  
The Relationship

What are the primary drivers of the relationship between Xi’s China and Lukashenko’s Belarus? The present research paper uses the historical process-tracing method to provide an answer to this question. Furthermore, it uses quantitative data analysis regarding the economic intercourse between Belarus and China. It examines whether China’s opposition regarding the unipolar American-led world order and Belarus’s security concerns are the primary drivers of the relationship between Minsk and Beijing. The present article concludes that the congruence of beliefs and Minsk’s desire to ensure survival are drawing the two countries closer together. China’s new strategy encompasses Beijing’s increasing participation in world affairs. China opposes the world order led by a single hegemon, the United States of America. In the interim, Belarus, a relatively weak state insignificant in the global balance of power, shares Beijing’s beliefs about the desired nature of the contemporary world order. However, the Belarusian economy’s condition, which relies heavily on external funding, does not allow the economic cooperation between Minsk and Beijing to thrive. China gradually increases its engagement with Belarus, yet it obscures its ambitions, for Minsk lies in Moscow’s sphere of influence.

scholarly journals THE «SPECIAL» RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN GERMANY AND CHINA IN THE CONTEXT OF GERMANY’S CHINA POLICY

2016 ◽  
pp. 161-167
Author(s):  
A. V. Tsvyk
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Point Of View ◽  
Strategic Partnership ◽  
Federal Republic Of Germany ◽  
China Policy ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Republic Of China ◽  
Angela Merkel ◽  
Trade Partner ◽  
The Relationship

The Federal Republic of Germany and the People's Republic of China are both economic powers in Asia and Europe with a shared international responsibility in many international fields. Germany is China's number-one trade partner in the EU and China is the top foreign investment destination for German companies. This article highlights the relationship between Germany and China since the beginning of Gerhard Schroeder's «Wandel dutch Handel» policy in 1998. Germany's policy toward China was based on the idea that economic exchange and increase in trade between both countries would lead to political and societal change in China. In the author's point of view Germany's China policy shifted significantly to one which focused more heavily on human rights at the beginning of the first term under Chancellor Angela Merkel in 2005. The author argues that Germany's China policy at present time is motivated first of all by economic interests and the needs of its exporters. In recent years, there have been efforts to extend cooperation to other fields like security and world order. The author comes to the conclusion that both Germany and China increasingly consider a strategic partnership within mutual interest.

After Victory

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
G. John Ikenberry
Keyword(s):  
Comparative Politics ◽  
World Order ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
The United States ◽  
Big Bang ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Napoleonic Wars ◽  
Power Politics ◽  
The Cold War

The end of the Cold War was a “big bang” reminiscent of earlier moments after major wars, such as the end of the Napoleonic Wars in 1815 and the end of the world wars in 1919 and 1945. But what do states that win wars do with their newfound power, and how do they use it to build order? This book examines postwar settlements in modern history, arguing that powerful countries do seek to build stable and cooperative relations, but the type of order that emerges hinges on their ability to make commitments and restrain power. The book explains that only with the spread of democracy in the twentieth century and the innovative use of international institutions—both linked to the emergence of the United States as a world power—has order been created that goes beyond balance of power politics to exhibit “constitutional” characteristics. Blending comparative politics with international relations, and history with theory, the book will be of interest to anyone concerned with the organization of world order, the role of institutions in world politics, and the lessons of past postwar settlements for today.

Historical Foundations, Strategic Visions, and World Order

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Paul J. Bolt ◽  
Sharyl N. Cross
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
International Order ◽  
Power Relationships ◽  
State Behavior ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Security Issues ◽  
The World ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

Chapter 1 explores perspectives on world order, including power relationships and the rules that shape state behavior and perceptions of legitimacy. After outlining a brief history of the relationship between Russia and China that ranged from cooperation to military clashes, the chapter details Chinese and Russian perspectives on the contemporary international order as shaped by their histories and current political situation. Chinese and Russian views largely coincide on security issues, the desirability of a more multipolar order, and institutions that would enhance their standing in the world. While the Chinese–Russian partnership has accelerated considerably, particularly since the crisis in Ukraine in 2014, there are still some areas of competition that limit the extent of the relationship.

scholarly journals Mind the gap: A tale of two curriculum fallacies

2021 ◽  
pp. 1-13
Author(s):  
Kathleen Graves
Keyword(s):  
Curriculum And Instruction ◽  
Teacher Educator ◽  
Professional Life ◽  
Curriculum Developer ◽  
Know How ◽  
The Us ◽  
Big Picture ◽  
Curricular Structure ◽  
The Relationship

Throughout my professional life, I have been interested in the relationship between teachers and curriculum. As someone who has taught languages, educated teachers, and developed curriculum and materials, I have been puzzled by the separation of curriculum and teaching. In the US, this separation is encapsulated in the phrase ‘curriculum and instruction’, where they are seen as separate domains of research and responsibility (Doyle, 1992; Kaplan & Owings, 2015). Indeed, as a teacher educator, I would often hear the refrain from teachers, ‘I know how to plan a good lesson, but I'm not sure what the big picture is. How do the lessons fit together as a whole?’ I interpreted this to mean that they did not have a sense of the overall curricular structure and aims for their students’ learning. As a materials and curriculum developer, I saw my responsibility as providing a map for teachers that would show how the parts added up to a sensible whole.

China and World Order

1978 ◽  
Vol 3 (4) ◽  
pp. 555-587 ◽  
Author(s):  
Samuel S. Kim
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Policy Implications ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
Global Policy ◽  
The World ◽  
World Organization ◽  
Multilateral Diplomacy ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Broad Policy ◽  
Half Decade

This paper makes a macro-inquiry into Chinese global politics by defining and elaborating the Chinese image and strategy of world order within a normative framework. Empirical data and behavioral referents in the paper are largely drawn from Chinese multilateral diplomacy in the global community during the first half-decade (1971–1976) of Chinese participation in UN. Such a normative-globalist paradigm has a heuristic value in interpreting more broadly China's global policy and its impact on the evolving process of creating a more just and humane world order. The paper argues that the interactions between China and the world organization have, on the whole, been positive and that the relationship between the two has been one of mutual adjustment and mutual legitimization, with the resulting enhancement of each other's symbolic capability. By way of conclusion, the paper draws, in a tentative and speculative manner, some broad policy implications of the post-Mao leadership.

On the Making of U.S. China Policy, 1961–9: A Study in Bureaucratic Politics

1972 ◽  
Vol 50 ◽  
pp. 220-243 ◽  
Author(s):  
James C. Thomson
Keyword(s):  
Korean War ◽  
East Asian ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Bureaucratic Politics ◽  
China Policy ◽  
New Era ◽  
The Korean War ◽  
History Of ◽  
John Foster Dulles ◽  
To Come

When the history of Sino-American relations since 1949 is written in years to come, it will very likely lump together much of the two decades from the Korean War to the Kissinger-Chou meeting as a period of drearily sustained deadlock. Korean hostilities will be blended rather easily into Indochina hostilities, John Foster Dulles into Dean Rusk. The words and deeds of American East Asian intervention, of the containment and isolation of China, will seem an unbroken continuity. And at the end, under most improbable auspices but for commonsense balance-of-power reasons, will come the Zen-like Nixon stroke that cut the Gordian knot and opened a new era.

Reflections on John the Baptist in History and Theology by Joel Marcus

2021 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 15-26
Author(s):  
Cecilia Wassén
Keyword(s):  
Dead Sea Scrolls ◽  
Dead Sea ◽  
Favorable Attitude ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
John The Baptist ◽  
Sitz Im Leben ◽  
The Dead ◽  
The Relationship

Abstract In this article, I engage with Joel Marcus’s recent book on John the Baptist, focusing on the relationship between John and the Dead Sea Scrolls. While I appreciate many parts of his detailed study, I question the claim that John was a former member of the Essenes. Although there are intriguing similarities, the question is how far reaching conclusions we may draw concerning such a relationship. I problematize some aspects of the comparison between the sources. Like many scholars, Marcus refers in particular to 1QS and the site of Khirbet Qumran for reconstructing the Essenes and hence John’s background. In response, I highlight the uncertainty about the Sitz im leben of 1QS in relation to Khirbet Qumran and ask why this particular manuscript should be privileged over others. Not least when it comes to purity halakhah there are many other documents than 1QS from Qumran that are highly relevant to the issue. Finally, I critically evaluate Marcus’s view that John the Baptist had a favorable attitude towards Gentiles, which according Marcus differed from the views of the Essenes.

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