scholarly journals THE «SPECIAL» RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN GERMANY AND CHINA IN THE CONTEXT OF GERMANY’S CHINA POLICY

Author(s):  
A. V. Tsvyk

The Federal Republic of Germany and the People's Republic of China are both economic powers in Asia and Europe with a shared international responsibility in many international fields. Germany is China's number-one trade partner in the EU and China is the top foreign investment destination for German companies. This article highlights the relationship between Germany and China since the beginning of Gerhard Schroeder's «Wandel dutch Handel» policy in 1998. Germany's policy toward China was based on the idea that economic exchange and increase in trade between both countries would lead to political and societal change in China. In the author's point of view Germany's China policy shifted significantly to one which focused more heavily on human rights at the beginning of the first term under Chancellor Angela Merkel in 2005. The author argues that Germany's China policy at present time is motivated first of all by economic interests and the needs of its exporters. In recent years, there have been efforts to extend cooperation to other fields like security and world order. The author comes to the conclusion that both Germany and China increasingly consider a strategic partnership within mutual interest.

Author(s):  
Sergey Biryukov ◽  

Introduction. The article is devoted to the features and historical evolution of the SovietChinese (later Russian-Chinese) relations from the moment of the proclamation of the People’s Republic of China in 1949 to the present. The analysis of the complex of factors that determined the complex dynamics of the relations between the two countries was carried out by the author of the article. It is shown that the SovietChinese (later – Russian-Chinese) relations developed from close alliance to alienation and confrontation – with reaching a level of strategic partnership in the second decade of the 21st century. Methods and materials. The authors seek a combination of general theoretical and special methods, focusing on the historical, sociocultural and political analysis. They are based on the analysis of periodicals, as well as using books, articles and materials of researchers on the problems of the political development of China and the USSR (Russia) and on the transformation of the nature of their bilateral relations. The author analyzes the current situation in the relations between the two countries, according to which the nature of the development of the general situation in international relations and the objective foreign policy interests of China and Russia encourage them to build and deepen bilateral partnership. Results. According to the author, many of the reasons that gave rise to a conflict of interests and confrontation between the two countries in previous years are exhausted today. At the same time, the joint participation of China and Russia in the formation and adoption of a new, more equitable and sustainable world order, in the settlement of conflicts and crises, in the arrangement of the Greater Eurasia space seems to the author justified and promising. Among the factors defining the nature of the Sino-Soviet relations the author identifies the relationship between the leaders of the two countries, the difference of geopolitical concepts and approaches, ideological disputes and differences in the views on strategy and prospects of the communist movement, the logic of the socio-political and socio-economic development in the context of modernization. The changing and contradictory correlation of these factors determined the development of the Soviet-Chinese (later Russian-Chinese) relations from a close alliance to mutual distancing and confrontation – with the subsequent entry into strategic partnership.


Author(s):  
Z. Daulet Singh

The article is based on the author’s most recent book Powershift: India-China Relations in a Multipolar World (2020). It retraces the most salient moments and episodes in the India China border issue ever since the crisis broke out in 1959. What we learn from history is Chinese leaders have often shaped their policy on India as part of a wider geopolitical calculus, typically linked to the degree of pressure Chinese perceive on other geopolitical fronts. For India too, the nature of great powers relations impacts how it formulates China policy. This basic framework has remained relevant until the present day.Over the past decade, as the world order began shifting to a multipolar balance of power, India and China have confronted challenges in their relationship. The relationship is at a crossroad, and both Delhi and Beijing are struggling to find an equilibrium that allows both sides to pursue their interests and visions. Nevertheless, as Asia is returning to what it was for 1,800 years of the last two millennia, and, it is that big picture trend that Indian and Chinese leaders must pay attention to. Ultimately, this means stabilising India China relations


2021 ◽  
Vol 65 (9) ◽  
pp. 43-55
Author(s):  
V. Vasil'ev

The article is devoted to the analysis of the political legacy of German Chancellor Angela Merkel and in what way the new German government might possibly use it dealing with the transformation of the country and modernization of the European Union. The new political coalition with possible participation of the Green Party will preserve the continuity of the German foreign policy course for strengthening the European Union, deepening the transatlantic partnership, for active cooperation between Berlin and Paris, as well as for inclusion of Belarus, Moldova and Ukraine into the Euro-Atlantic area. The European sovereignty is the main focal point in Berlin. The Conference on the Future of Europe examines it, as well as other evolution issues. The updated legal framework of the EU, feasible strengthening of the European Parliament positions could help transform the European Union into a weighty actor in the polycentric world. Only powerful, relatively sovereign EU is able to secure the “European way of life”. Judgments about the disintegration of the European Union are far from reality. The EU margin of safety and resistance are quite impressive, primarily due to the economic potential of Germany. However, it is really difficult to predict how the European Union will get out of the crisis caused by Covid 19. American concessions to the Germans on the Nord Stream 2 project mean Biden’s serious attitude towards Merkel and Germany – the leader in the EU and one of the important NATO allies. The conditions for Russia’s return to the “European club”, for example, through the revival of M. Gorbachev’s new political thinking in Moscow, indicate rather an illusory desire. There is another, more pragmatic approach. The single European cultural and historical matrix of Greater Europe, communication between the leaders of the Russian Federation, Germany, France and the USA, the economic foundation of contacts, as well as mutual sympathies between Russians, Germans, Europeans give reason to hope for a turn for the better. The chances of a unification agenda remain. Perhaps, it will be used by future generations of politicians, experts of the Russian Federation and the Federal Republic of Germany without preconditions, on the basis of reasonable compromises. Acknowledgements. The article was prepared within the project “Post-Crisis World Order: Challenges and Technologies, Competition and Cooperation” supported by the grant from Ministry of Science and Higher Education of the Russian Federation program for research projects in priority areas of scientific and technological development (Agreement 075-15-2020-783).


1990 ◽  
Vol 34 (1) ◽  
pp. 265-274
Author(s):  
Franz Segbers

Abstract The economic political concept of the domestic common market is orientated at neo-liberal supply-dominated principles, which expect the social organization from the forces of the market. The economic control is to take place in the market. As a consequence of this central question of social ethics is the question of the relationship between economy and politics. From a socialethic point of view the concept of market economy however is only bearable by an historical compromise or the so-called »irenische Formel« (Brakelmann) which admits the political desire for order a primary versus economy. With regard to the concept of the common market which enables the economic interests a leading position before political concepts the historical compromise of social ethics and market economy is again put up for discussion.


Human Affairs ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 30 (2) ◽  
pp. 224-238
Author(s):  
Igor Denisov ◽  
Ivan Safranchuk ◽  
Danil Bochkov

AbstractThe relationship between the People’s Republic of China and the Republic of India has traditionally been seen in terms of the interaction of two different trends—cooperation and competition. At the same time, the positive or negative dynamics of China–Indian contacts have mostly been shaped by the extent to which the political leadership of China and India have been prepared at various times to be guided by pragmatic interests and the desire to overcome the legacy of the past. This set of problems includes long-standing territorial disputes, New Delhi’s suspicions of the “all-weather strategic partnership” between Beijing and Islamabad, as well as the sensitive issues of Tibet and the Dalai Lama. Although the idea of ChIndia, as a condominium of the global interests of the two Asian giants and a manifestation of their growing interdependence, is no longer relevant, this article argues that cooperation or confrontation between China and India should not be linked solely to historical matters, but should be viewed from a broader regional and international perspective.


nauka.me ◽  
2021 ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Nikolay Chizhkov

This article deals with the relationship between the People's Republic of China and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, which have passed a difficult and not always stable path from ideological cooperation to confrontation, and then to normalization and strategic partnership. The article describes the events that played a key role in the relations between the two countries, which led our peoples, ultimately, to good-neighborly relations aimed at strategic interaction and cooperation.


Author(s):  
Sheriff G.I. ◽  
Chubado B.T. ◽  
Ahmet A.

This paper discusses the concept of the one-China policy and how the United States support of Taiwan poses a challenge to stability in the region. The paper adopted the library descriptive instrument from historical research to come up with the available data in the paper. Findings show that, since 1949, the struggle between the Nationalist Republic of China and the Communist party escalated into a civil war which resulted in the defeat of Kuomintang and the establishment of the People's Republic of China (PRC), which took control of all mainland China. Only the island of Taiwan remained under the control of the ROC. Since then, both the ROC and the PRC have been claiming to represent all of "China", and both officially claim each other's territory. The paper concludes that China cannot forfeit the strait of Taiwan despite American support to the island. The deteriorating relationship between the U.S and China relationship has seen trade wars to accusations on the origins of the coronavirus to political buffering, to the sovereign of Taiwan and Hongkong, it just seems to be a manifestation of the Sino-American Cold War. The way things appear, the relationship between the U.S and China will further deteriorate largely because democracy and liberal order are being challenged by the political posture of China. The paper recommends that there is the need to maintain the non-interference principle by the two parties, the United States should know that Taiwan is China and therefore not meddle in the affairs of China and vice-versa.


Author(s):  
Giovanni Bernardini

This article deals with the relations between the Federal Republic of Germany and the People’s Republic of China during the early Cold War decades. The traditional historiographical paradigm of the East-West confrontation assumes that any form of cooperation was impossible between the two countries. However, a shift of focus from the political sphere to the economic one reveals how pattern of conduct predating 1949, as well as purely economic reasons, brought actors from both sides to agree on a set of rules for bilateral exchange, and to improve the trade performance despite the highs and lows of the political climate and the bloc allegiance of both countries.


2020 ◽  
Vol 23 (1) ◽  
pp. 27-35
Author(s):  
L.O. Zharko ◽  
V.P. Ovchar ◽  
V.H. Tarasyuk ◽  
О.А. Fesenko

The paper summarizes the experience of the Department of Buildings and Facilities Structures Research in determining the compressive strength and grade of concrete in the structures, which characterize one of the main requirements for ensuring the structures mechanical strength and stability. Their unambiguous interpretation at the stages of concrete composition selection, products manufacture and structures operation leads to a conflict of interests and corruption risks between a concrete producer, a builder and an investor. Two approaches to the concrete strength and grade assessment are considered: the first one reasons from the economic interests of a concrete producer (the possibility of cement saving at a stable well-organized production facility), the second one takes into account the consumer's point of view (design indicators ensuring). The first approach is based on the coefficient of the tested control concrete cubes strength variation declared by the concrete mixture manufacturer. The calculation of the relationship between the average and characteristic compressive resistance of concrete at various coefficients of concrete compressive strength variation and grades showed that this coefficient can significantly change the assessment results. The second approach is based on the use of reference core samples cut directly from the structure, which are tested and interpreted according to established international experience. The difference in strength assessments is shown for the cases with the use of samples tests results selection compared to groups in which the smallest values are removed. Both approaches are analyzed based on the experience of determining the concrete compressive strength grade using the core samples from the entire floor slab in the existing structure and from some its areas; the results were far from straightforward and not consistent with the project. It is necessary to clearly define the areas of application of norms and standards that, firstly, serve the technology and the production market of concrete and concrete and reinforced concrete products, and secondly, ensure obtaining the actual characteristics of existing products, structures and facilities and their conformity to the project. It is advisable, especially for the structures of the higher levels of responsibility and in some controversial matters, to verify the results obtained with the first approach application to the concrete mix test specimens by testing core samples cut from the structures.


Author(s):  
Karolina Sówka

In the early days of Xi Jinping's rule, Sino-Australian cooperation was successful and benefiting both sides. Establishing a “strategic partnership” and the conclusion of a free trade agreement made it possible to deepen the relationship. In addition to developing economic relations, states actively collaborated on the social and cultural levels. China's growing power has brought new challenges. The increase in spending on armaments and the modernization of the army contributed to the increased military presence of the PRC in the region and the exacerbation of disputes in the South China Sea and the East China Sea, raising tensions in the region. The growing influence of the People's Republic of China in Australia has caused concern for the government, which has started to limit it. Beijing has been critical of Australian law to reduce foreign interference. The purpose of this study is to analyze the Sino-Australian relations in 2013-2018.


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