scholarly journals Estado e organismos internacionais: limites à cooperação sob a ótica realista/State and international organizations: limits to cooperation under realist optic

2015 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 516-557
Author(s):  
Augusto Leal Rinaldi ◽  
Cristiano Morini
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Research Use ◽  
Extensive Literature ◽  
Relative Power ◽  
Patterns Of Behavior ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
International Anarchy

Uma das abordagens correntes de análise das relações internacionais é aquela que se refere ao relacionamento entre os Estados e as Organizações Internacionais. Temos como objetivo demonstrar que quando os Estados agem conforme seus próprios interesses e determinações, qualquer tentativa de controle por parte das instituições é sobrepujada. A pesquisa se utiliza amplamente de uma literatura ancorada num referencial teórico realista. A discussão avança no sentido de apontar que a condição de anarquia internacional e, subjacente a ela, as relações geradas pelos cálculos da balança de poder são fatores determinantes da limitação à cooperação. Apontamos algumas razões para essa alegação, entre elas: Organizações Internacionais dependem dos Estados para surgir e operar; elas não são grandes players internacionais; são instrumentos que servem para pressionar países de menor poder relativo a aceitar (legitimar) os padrões de comportamento ditados pelas potências dominantes e assegurar-se de que a balança de poder seja mantida ou favorecida à mais forte entre elas; o sistema, fracamente institucionalizado, corrobora para uma ação mais desenvolta das grandes potências. Concluímos, além disso, que o realismo é explicativo da paralisia do Conselho de Segurança das Nações Unidas, como no caso demonstrado a partir do recente impasse na Síria.Palavras-Chave: Realismo; Organizações Internacionais; Cooperação.  Abstract: One of the current approaches of analysis in international relations is that which refers to the relationship between States and International Organizations. We aim to show that when states act according to their own interests and determinations, any attempt to control by the institutions is surpassed. The research use an extensive literature anchored in a realistic theoretical framework. The discussion progresses to point out that the condition of international anarchy and behind it, the relations generated by the calculations of the balance of power are determinants of limitation of the cooperation. We point out some reasons for this claim, including: International Organizations rely on states to emerge and operate; they are not big international players; are tools that serve to pressure countries to accept lower relative power (legitimate) patterns of behavior dictated by the dominant powers and ensure that the balance of power is maintained or favored the strongest among them; the system, weakly institutionalized, supports for a more nimble action of the great powers. We conclude, furthermore, that realism is explanatory of the paralysis of the Security Council of the UN, as in the case shown from the recent stalemate in Syria.Key Words: Realism; International Organizations; Cooperation.  DOI: 10.20424/2237-7743/bjir.v4n3p516-557 

scholarly journals Disinformation in International Relations: How Important Is It?

2018 ◽  
Vol 29 (1-4) ◽  
pp. 3-23 ◽  
Author(s):  
André W.M. Gerrits
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Global Politics ◽  
International Context ◽  
Nature Of Information ◽  
Security Challenge ◽  
Information Manipulation

This article explores the relevance of disinformation in international relations. It discusses the nature of information manipulation, ways to counter disinformation, and possibilities for international organizations, including the osce, to initiate confidence-building measures. The article suggests that although disinformation becomes an increasingly salient aspect of global politics, its security impact should not be overstated. As in domestic politics, international disinformation parasites on existing divisions and concerns, which it exploits rather than creates. This should not be trivialized. Disinformation is disruptive and it further deteriorates the overall international context. But as yet it is not a significant security challenge, and it does not change the international balance of power.

Kant and the Kantian paradigm in international relations

1990 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 183-205 ◽  
Author(s):  
Andrew Hurrell
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
League Of Nations ◽  
State System ◽  
Interstate Relations ◽  
World Government ◽  
Perpetual Peace ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
International Anarchy ◽  
Lasting Influence

Although few in number and limited in scope, Kant's writings on international relations have had a lasting influence and have given rise to a wide range of interpretations. Kant's famous pamphlet, Perpetual Peace, has been seen as advocating federalism, world government, a League of Nations-type security system and outright pacifism. Underlying much of the debate on Kant lies a divergence over the relationship between what might broadly be called the ‘statist’ and the ‘cosmopolitan’ sides of Kant's writings. On one side, there are those who argue that Kant is primarily concerned with order at the level of interstate relations. Kant, it is argued, did not want to transcend the state system but to improve it. He wanted to subject the international anarchy to law and to find a solution to the problem of war but in a way which would not sacrifice the essential autonomy and independence of states.

scholarly journals Changing Geopolitics and Negotiating Postures in the India-China Border Dispute

2021 ◽  
Vol 14 (2) ◽  
pp. 66-81
Author(s):  
Z. Daulet Singh
Keyword(s):  
World Order ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Recent Book ◽  
China Policy ◽  
Border Dispute ◽  
Big Picture ◽  
The Last Two Millennia ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
India And China

The article is based on the author’s most recent book Powershift: India-China Relations in a Multipolar World (2020). It retraces the most salient moments and episodes in the India China border issue ever since the crisis broke out in 1959. What we learn from history is Chinese leaders have often shaped their policy on India as part of a wider geopolitical calculus, typically linked to the degree of pressure Chinese perceive on other geopolitical fronts. For India too, the nature of great powers relations impacts how it formulates China policy. This basic framework has remained relevant until the present day.Over the past decade, as the world order began shifting to a multipolar balance of power, India and China have confronted challenges in their relationship. The relationship is at a crossroad, and both Delhi and Beijing are struggling to find an equilibrium that allows both sides to pursue their interests and visions. Nevertheless, as Asia is returning to what it was for 1,800 years of the last two millennia, and, it is that big picture trend that Indian and Chinese leaders must pay attention to. Ultimately, this means stabilising India China relations

scholarly journals Reconceiving the balance of power: a review essay

2010 ◽  
Vol 37 (2) ◽  
pp. 641-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
FENG ZHANG
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Review Essay ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Historical Record ◽  
Composite Model ◽  
Not Given ◽  
Direct Evaluation ◽  
Power Models ◽  
History Of ◽  
The Relationship

AbstractRichard Little's new book has considerably widened the scope for thinking about the balance of power in International Relations (IR), both by beginning to provide a conceptual history of the idea and by expanding existing balance-of-power models. His concept of the associational balance of power is an important corrective to the prevailing realist understanding of the balance of power. However, Little does not explore more fully the relationship between the balance of power as a myth and a reality. Moreover, the usefulness of distinction between adversarial and association balance of power is not given a direct evaluation against the historical record, nor is his own composite model of the balance of power partly based on the distinction fully developed.

La sécurité collective : chimère, éphémère ou mutante ?

Res Publica ◽  
1994 ◽  
Vol 36 (1) ◽  
pp. 67-84
Author(s):  
Huri Türsan
Keyword(s):  
Cold War ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
International Agreements ◽  
Former Yugoslavia ◽  
Foreseeable Future ◽  
Collective Security ◽  
The Cold War

The joint international action against Iraq and the search for a new security doctrine following the end of the Cold War, led, in the early '90s, to a revival of the notion of collective security embodied in several international agreements. This notion is based on the assumption of responding collectively to international aggression. However, the international guagmires of recent years and especially the case of former Yugoslavia where international organizations have played the role of alibi to agression, has once more, dealt a major blow to the illusion of the implementation of the principles of collective security. In a way similar to the 1930s and the bipolar balance of power of the Cold War, collective security seems ephemeral today. We can therefore safelypredict that in the foreseeable future, international relations wilt continue to be shaped by the balance of specific state interests and not by universally applied principles of collective security.

scholarly journals AMERICAN POWER AND INTERWAR INTERNATIONALISM

2018 ◽  
Vol 61 (4) ◽  
pp. 1137-1148
Author(s):  
JOHN A. THOMPSON
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
International Institutions ◽  
The United States ◽  
World Politics ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
World War ◽  
American Power ◽  
The World ◽  
The Relationship

Two central features of global history over the past century have been the pre-eminent power of the United States in world politics and the growth of international organizations. The relationship between these phenomena has been variously interpreted, in ways that reflect theoretical and methodological commitments as well as political perspectives. The Realist school, for whom power relationships are always determinative, have followed Carl Schmitt and E. H. Carr in seeing international institutions, and the norms and laws they uphold, as instruments through which dominant powers seek legitimacy as well as influence. By contrast, liberal theorists have viewed the pursuit of a rule-governed world order, and the development of the idea of a ‘world community’, as a more autonomous and broadly based enterprise, one spurred by increased interdependence and greater concern with matters of common interest to all nations – not least that of avoiding the devastating effects of great power warfare in the modern era. As is usually the case with such analytically sharp distinctions, neither of these positions conveys the whole truth. From the Concert of Europe on, great powers have recognized a collective interest in peace and stability but the growth of international institutions has also been the product of wider ideals and interests. As Mark Mazower has shown in his wide-ranging study, Governing the world, the relationship between the narrower interests of great powers on the one hand and various forms of internationalism on the other has been a complex one, involving elements both of conflict and of congruence. But, Mazower emphasizes, since the Second World War, the structure and activities of the United Nations, the International Monetary Fund, the World Bank, and other international organizations have been largely shaped by Washington. A generation earlier, however, the United States did not even become a member of the League of Nations, making it more possible to distinguish between the role of American power and that of other sources of support for international bodies, and also to assess the relationship and comparative importance of these two novel elements in world politics. It is perhaps not surprising that much of the recent scholarship on the international history of the post-First World War period has focused, in one way or another, on this issue.

The English School and Institutions: British Institutionalists?

2014 ◽  
Author(s):  
Laust Schouenborg
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
International Law ◽  
International Society ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
English School ◽  
International Institution ◽  
Functional Perspective ◽  
Primary Institutions ◽  
Hedley Bull

The argument can be made, and has in fact been made, that the English School is primarily concerned with the study of institutions. The institutions of international society are social in a fundamental sense. That is, they are something above and beyond what one usually associates with an international institution. There are three dominant perspectives on what the primary institutions of international society are: functional, historical/descriptive, and typological. Hedley Bull was the major proponent of the functional perspective, and he identified five primary institutions of international society: the balance of power, international law, diplomacy, war, and the great powers. However, the historical/descriptive perspective appears to be the prevailing one. Nevertheless, various authors have started to think about the institutions of international society typologically. This has certain implications for how one views the cognitive objectives of the English School. The adherence to functional, historical/descriptive, or typological perspectives involves a positioning in relation to where international relations (IR), as a discipline, and the English School, as an approach to it, should locate itself in wider academia.

Multipolar Power Systems and International Stability

1964 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 390-406 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karl W. Deutsch ◽  
J. David Singer
Keyword(s):  
International Relations ◽  
Power Systems ◽  
Balance Of Power ◽  
Diplomatic History ◽  
Central Position ◽  
Classical Literature ◽  
International Stability ◽  
The Stability ◽  
The Relationship ◽  
Power Concept

In the classical literature of diplomatic history, the balance-of-power concept occupies a central position. Regardless of one's interpretation of the term or one's preference for or antipathy to it, the international relations scholar cannot escape dealing with it. The model is, of course, a multifaceted one, and it produces a fascinating array of corollaries; among these, the relationship between the number of actors and the stability of the system is one of the most widely accepted and persuasive. That is, as the system moves away from bipolarity toward multipolarity, the frequency and intensity of war should be expected to diminish.

A dieci anni dall'11 settembre

2011 ◽  
pp. 15-36
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
International Relations ◽  
International Organizations ◽  
The United States ◽  
September 11 ◽  
Terrorist Attacks ◽  
Global Order ◽  
The West ◽  
Future Challenges ◽  
The Relationship

This September marks the tenth anniversary of the September 11, 2001 terrorist attacks on the United States. Luigi Bonanate, Giovanni Borgognone and Paolo Di Motoli discuss the main transformations intervened in international relations and in our knowledge of them. What emerges clearly is the dramatic absence of a shared and convincing project for a new global order. Debates and reflections on future challenges have not produced new theoretical and practical solutions to the structural deficiencies of international organizations. Moreover, the relationship between Islam and the West has seen an increase in demagoguery, xenophobia, intolerance and extremism.

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