Citizens, Groups, and the State

Author(s):  
Jonathan Laurence

This chapter places European governments' relationships with contemporary Muslim communities into historical and theoretical context, by reviewing earlier encounters with new categories of citizens and state-building challenges. For the past two centuries, the religion bureaus of interior ministries across Europe have asserted state authority by structuring and mediating the activities of religious organizations. Against the view that the accommodation of religious communities is the equivalent of “capitulation,” this chapter shows that formal recognition has been the method through which the modern state has historically asserted its authority over new citizen groups. The view that Islam is inherently incompatible with, or otherwise presents an unprecedented challenge to, state authority in western democracies is critically examined.

10.1068/d236t ◽  
2001 ◽  
Vol 19 (3) ◽  
pp. 263-293 ◽  
Author(s):  
Steven Rubenstein

This author suggests new avenues for thinking about the relationship between formerly stateless societies and the state. It does so through a detailed study of one particular group, the Shuar, indigenous to the Ecuadorian Amazon. Formerly an acephalous society of hunter-gardeners, the Shuar now constitute a federation with a democratically elected, hierarchical leadership and are at the forefront of indigenous movements in Latin America. The author analyzes this transformation in the context of colonialism but argues that colonialism involves far more than the movement of people from one place to another or the extension of state authority over new territory. Rather, he reveals colonialism to hinge on the transformation of sociospatial boundaries. Such transformations were critical not only to Shuar ethnogenesis but also to Ecuadorian state-building. That is, colonialism involves a dialectical reorganization both of the state and of its new subjects.


Slavic Review ◽  
1996 ◽  
Vol 55 (4) ◽  
pp. 863-881 ◽  
Author(s):  
Michael C. Hickey

In the last decade, state building and the problems of establishing state authority in the provinces in 1917 have begun to attract historians’ attention. Several works by Russian authors treat state building under the Provisional Government, with emphasis upon organizational activities “at the center.” Daniel T. Orlovsky and Howard J. White (with greater analytical rigor than their Russian counterparts) have studied the work of the Ministry of Internal Affairs in the provinces. But none of these works has offered a sustained discussion of the revolution in a single city or province. Local studies have concentrated on popular institutions (for example, unions, Red Guards, and the Soviets) and the process of social polarization but have paid litde attention to the state. My aim is to bridge the gap between institutional studies and local studies by looking at local government and the contested nature of state authority in Smolensk from March to June 1917, tracing especially the conflict between class-based politics and state interests.


2012 ◽  
Vol 45 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 417-428 ◽  
Author(s):  
Serhiy Kudelia

This article examines the evolution of the state in Ukraine from an object of elite predation in early 1990s into a dominant actor in relations with non-state actors under Kuchma, an instrument of elite struggles for power and rents under Yushchenko and a return to a centralized state authority under Yanukovych. Despite its different transformations the state in Ukraine has been continuously characterized by the prevalence of informal levers of power and the absence of strong formal institutional foundations. As a result, after twenty years it still lacks the prerequisites of effective governance in a modern state – an impersonal bureaucracy, rule of law and mechanisms of accountability. This institutional void produces Ukraine’s vicious cycling between hybrid types of authoritarianism and democracy leaving the state dysfunctional and incomplete.


Author(s):  
Cut Meurah Rahman ◽  
Ida Fitriana

This paper focuses on Pax-Ottomanica in a case study of the Millet System through multi ethnic and multi religious communities in the Ottoman Empire. In particular, the Millet System has successfully roamed people in Europe, Asia, and Africa for nearly 600 years. This paper also discusses Islamic law on the relationship between other religions such as Judaism and Christianity. This study uses a qualitative method with a whole literature approach. Based on the data analyzed, it was found that harmony occurs between fellow religious and ethnic people with the freedom to embrace their respective religions and maintain their respective cultures. This paper aims to analyze the state of the multi-ethnic and multi-religious society in the Ottoman Empire by providing various references from both Turkish and Western historians. In addition, this paper aims to introduce Ottoman-style freedom through this Millet system, which has succeeded in bringing all non-Muslim communities into one Ottoman commonwealth.


2005 ◽  
pp. 22-39
Author(s):  
T. Hazyr-Ogly

Islam is now professed by the population of many countries in the Middle East, Asia, Africa, Europe. According to the World Islamic League, as of 2004, there were 1.2 billion Islamic followers in different countries (around 120 countries). In 35 countries, Muslims now make up 95-99 percent of the population, in 17 countries Islam is the state religion, and in 25 states, Muslims are an influential minority. Muslim communities are overwhelmed in Asia and North Africa. But they are also present in Europe, the US and Japan. According to statistics from the European Monitoring Center and Xenophobia (EUMC), Islam is the only religious religion in the world over the past 100 years, from 13 to 19.5 percent.


2018 ◽  
Vol 42 (3) ◽  
pp. 327-349 ◽  
Author(s):  
Hanna Shelest

For the past two years, there have been constant discussions about the possible ‘Bosnianisation’ of Ukrainian conflict management and peacebuilding, meaning both the Dayton process mechanism’s implementation and the possible ‘federalisation’ of Ukraine due to the Minsk agreements. While the two conflicts have significant differences in terms of roots, reasons and development, attempts at their resolution, as well as possible outcomes of the peace processes, have certain similarities. In this article, based on the constructivist approach and method of induction, the author compares the outcomes of the agreements reached in Dayton in 1995 and in Minsk in 2015 and analyses securitisation of state-building, ‘federalisation’ and identity issues during the peace negotiations, along with a state structure imposed by the external actors. Hereby we argue that the Dayton scenario in terms of the state-building is significantly different from what has happened in Ukraine due to their respective historical and ethnic backgrounds. Moreover, a peace agreement per se is not able to form a federal state if there are not sufficient preconditions for substantial decentralisation of the state.


Elements ◽  
2007 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Sophie Thibodeau

Observers note that instances of ethnic conflict serve as an obvious manifestation of tension between the idea of the nation and the structure of the modern state. The current global rash of allegedly unique ethnic disputes merits a serious assessment of its place within the decline of the nation-state. Along with the notion that the nation-state is in decline, scholars have asserted the presence of another global trend in the use of federalist approaches to nation-building and conflict management. After exploring the possibilities of a relationship beween ethnic conflict and possible solutions in federal theory, this essay grounds these conjectures in an analysis of the Nigerian state. While issues have certainly complicated the path to the success of the federal state in Nigeria, the state should be viewed as generally successful in achieving its end of survival amidst threatening conflict.


Asy-Syari ah ◽  
2015 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Undang Hidayat

Many muslim scholars believed that the idea and model of legal state had exsited since the first hijriya Islamic century ago, when the prophet of Muhammad SAW declared Madina State, including with all instruments and its requirement of the state such as territory, constitution, society, and declaration. This view is also admitted by the Western Scholars who stated that the Prophet of Muhammad SAW had successfully implemented the bases of political authority and the model of the strongly modern state with the spirit of democracy in the past.


Author(s):  
Anna Stilz

This chapter examines Robert Paul Wolff’s arguments in In Defense of Anarchism about state authority and individual autonomy, and how plausible they are for philosophical anarchism. According to Wolff, the authority of the modern state cannot be justified because it conflicts with the autonomy of the individual. The presumptive clash between state authority and individual autonomy that Wolff highlights remains central to the philosophical anarchist critique of the state, a position that has gained prominence—and widespread acceptance—in contemporary political philosophy. The rest of this chapter comments on Wolff’s views in more detail, including those concerning compliance with the state, a state’s right to rule, unanimous direct democracy, and majority rule. It also discusses Jean-Jacques Rousseau’s assertion that persons must remain free in obeying the state.


2003 ◽  
Vol 7 (1) ◽  
pp. 164-171 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Frost

AbstractThis Review Article discusses recent work on the Scandinavian Machtstaat, taking a critical attitude towards recent Anglo-Saxon scholarship on the state and absolute monarchy in the early modern period.


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