scholarly journals Analysis of Pax-Ottomanica in Minorities Society : A Case Study of Millet System

Author(s):  
Cut Meurah Rahman ◽  
Ida Fitriana

This paper focuses on Pax-Ottomanica in a case study of the Millet System through multi ethnic and multi religious communities in the Ottoman Empire. In particular, the Millet System has successfully roamed people in Europe, Asia, and Africa for nearly 600 years. This paper also discusses Islamic law on the relationship between other religions such as Judaism and Christianity. This study uses a qualitative method with a whole literature approach. Based on the data analyzed, it was found that harmony occurs between fellow religious and ethnic people with the freedom to embrace their respective religions and maintain their respective cultures. This paper aims to analyze the state of the multi-ethnic and multi-religious society in the Ottoman Empire by providing various references from both Turkish and Western historians. In addition, this paper aims to introduce Ottoman-style freedom through this Millet system, which has succeeded in bringing all non-Muslim communities into one Ottoman commonwealth.

2016 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 102-110
Author(s):  
Александр Сквозников ◽  
Aleksandr Skvoznikov

The aim of the article is to investigate the legal status of non-Muslim communities in the Ottoman Empire. The author concluded that the sources of Islamic law, including the Koran and Islamic legal doctrine, formed the basis of the legal system of the Ottoman Empire, recognized the equality of people regardless of their racial, ethnic or religious affiliation. Non-Muslim subjects of the Ottoman Empire guaranteed the right to life, security of person and property, freedom of religion, freedom of economic activity, the right to judicial protection and protection against external enemies. However, the scope of rights and duties of citizens depend on their religious affiliation. The Ottoman Empire was essentially theocratic state, where Islam is the state religion and regularly held a dominant position among the other denominations. Served non-Muslim were somewhat limited in their rights: they could not come to the state, including military service, which does not allow us to talk about full equality of all subjects of the Ottoman Empire, regardless of religion.


2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (2) ◽  
pp. 106
Author(s):  
Budi Nurhamidin ◽  
Arifin Kusuma Wardani

<pre><em>This study aims to see and analyze the relationship between religion and the state towards the Here Krisna sect as a spiritual movement found in Hinduism. This research uses a qualitative method with a case study approach. The problem in this study is whether there is a religious politics that occurs in Hinduism and how the relationship between religion and the state. In this regard, the points that will be elaborated by researchers include the background of the emergence of Here Krishna, the teachings conveyed, the vision of transformation, religious politics, and the relationship between religion and the state. The research results obtained that the emergence of the Here Krina stream does not become a problem for the PHDI because its existence does not make people uneasy about Hindus in general, as well as the relationship between religion and state philosophically the first precepts that read the Almighty God is based as a philosophical basis for national life and state. From the results of this study it can be understood that the Here Krisna stream can exist because it is based on Hinduism, which is an official religion and its social norms do not interfere with social life and its teachings do not conflict with the ideology of the nation as the basis of the state.</em><em></em></pre>


2015 ◽  
Vol 11 (28) ◽  
pp. 98
Author(s):  
Hilmi Muhammadiyah

This article elaborates the relation between religion and state in the case study on the existence of based-religion social organization (NGO) in Indonesia. The analytical methodology used is qualitative method, by extracting data based on in-depth interview and participant observation. The object of this study is the Indonesian Islamic Propagation Institute (Lembaga Dakwah Islam Indonesia-LDII) in Indonesia. The result showed that the relationship between the religious organization LDII and the state is an effective strategy for keeping its existence. Through a good relationship with the state, LDII hopes to get a symbolic capital from the country to gain recognition and protection of the state.


Author(s):  
Heri Herdiawanto ◽  
Valina Singka Subekti

This study examines Hamka's political thinking about Islam and the State in the Basic State debate that took place in the Constituent Assembly 1956-1959. Hamka belongs to the basic group of defenders of the Islamic state with Mohammad Natsir in the Masyumi faction, fighting for Islamic law before other factions namely the Nationalists, Communists, Socialists, Catholics-Protestants and members of the Constituent Assembly who are not fractured. Specifically examines the issue of why Islam is fought for as a state basis by Hamka. and how Hamka thought about the relationship between Islam and the state. The research method used is a type of library research with literature studies or documents consisting of primary and secondary data and reinforced by interviews. The theory used in this study is the theory of religious relations (Islam) and the state. This study found the first, according to Hamka, the Islamic struggle as the basis of the state was as a continuation of the historical ideals of the Indonesian national movement. The second was found that the constituent debate was the repetition of Islamic and nationalist ideological debates in the formulation of the Jakarta Charter. Third, this study also found Hamka's view that the One and Only God Almighty means Tauhid or the concept of the Essence of Allah SWT. The implication of this research theory is to strengthen Islamic thinking legally formally, that is thinking that requires Islam formally plays a major role in state life. The conclusion is that Indonesian society is a heterogeneous society in terms of religion. This means that constitutionally the state recognizes the diversity of religions embraced by the Indonesian people and guarantees the freedom of every individual to embrace religion and realize the teachings he believes in all aspects of life. Hamka in the Constituent Assembly stated that the struggle to establish a state based on Islam rather than a secular state for Islamic groups was a continuation of the ideals of historical will.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (1) ◽  
pp. 37-68
Author(s):  
Meirison Alizar ◽  
Qasim Muhammadi

The tolerant spirit of Islam has inspired Ottoman rulers to adopt policies relating to non-Muslim citizens. The leadership crisis in the Ottoman Empire and the Western interests through capitulation have changed judicial system in the empire, including the system for non-Muslims that allows them to conduct their own judiciary and provide absolute freedom of religious matters. Tanzimāt, which is expected to bring improvements to the legislation system in Ottoman Empire, has marginalized Islamic law which is only enforced in aḥwāl al-shakhṣiyyah. Sultan Abdul Hamid II tried to maintain Islamic law by codifying Western European style. Some legal codifications contain qawāid fiqhiyyah (principles of Islamic law) which are sourced from the books of the Hanafi School of jurisprudence, and some others adopt Western laws by taking a few opinions of Islamic jurisprudence. This study analyzed various literatures related to policies towards non-Muslim citizens in the Ottoman era. The study uses descriptive and qualitative methods with a content analysis approach. Broadly speaking, this study found that the Ottoman Empire had given good treatment to non-Muslim citizens. The non-Muslim citizens get various facilities from the State, including the establishment of special institutions that handle their own affairs, although at the same time they have been used by Western countries to support their interests in Ottoman Empire.


2019 ◽  
Vol 27 (2) ◽  
pp. 317-336
Author(s):  
Azizah binti Mohd

Malaysia is a Muslim country consisting of thirteen States and Federal Territories (Kuala Lumpur, Labuan and Putrajaya). In principal, the official madhhab that is practised  in Malaysia is Shafi’i Madhhab and this becomes common to all Malaysians even though it is not officially registered in the identification card of a Malaysian. Accordingly, in many religious affairs and practices, the society is based upon the principles or fiqh al-Shafi’i. Nevertheless, views of other Sunni madhhab is freely practiced by all Malaysians. Furthermore, the codification on Islamic law in the State Enactments in all States in Malaysia is based upon four Sunni schools of law. It follows that the Islamic law in Malaysia is not purely based on the Shafi’i madhhab and in many occasions adopted the view of Hanafi school depending on the adaptability of the opinion to the society. This article deals with the application of fiqh al-Hanafi under the Islamic Family Law (Federal Territories) Act 1984. Analysis will extend to the practices in the Malaysian Syariah Court when dealing with cases involving Muslims and the most appropriate view of the madhhab that is to be adopted by the Syariah Court in order to solve a particular issue. The study employs the qualitative method of study where it only involves library research. It is believed that this research will be beneficial to all who seek knowledge and useful to all researchers, academicians, legal practitioners, students and scholars.


2021 ◽  
Vol 41 (3) ◽  
pp. 404-412
Author(s):  
Orit Bashkin

Abstract This essay considers accounts of the Dreyfus Affair published in the newspaper Thamarat al-Funun (founded 1875) during 1898 to demonstrate how Arab writers addressed the rights of minorities in Europe and examined failed emancipatory projects. Writing about the Dreyfus Affair allowed intellectuals in the Levant to reverse the power relationship between themselves and Europe and to comment on the kinds of politics that would ensure the equality before the law of the Jewish minority in Europe. These debates further illustrate that even before the shift to electoral politics in the Ottoman Empire (after 1908) and in postwar Arab nation-states, Arab writers were preoccupied with the relationship between statecraft and majority-minority relations. They argued that democratic institutions such as parliaments and courts of law were the best venues to safeguard the rights of religious communities whose mere existence was defined as a problem. Bashkin shows how Thamarat al-Funun pointed to phenomena that endangered religious communities, such as fanaticism, racism, abuse of power by the police and the military, and mob politics.


Author(s):  
Gustavo Xavier Bonifaz

The present paper aims at answering why a country that shared, with other Latin American states, a centralist tradition that was even strengthened in the aftermath of its 1952 revolution, became one of the most radical and complex decentralisers in the region. The present is a country case study in which, using a process-tracing analysis, the evolution of decentralisation in Bolivia will be explained up to its current complex structure from a perspective of the relationship between political legitimation under competitive elections and the way in which the party system processed longstanding tensions between the state and different segments of society.


2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (3.9) ◽  
pp. 81 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mohamad Zafarullah b Mohamad Rozaly ◽  
Sharyzee Mohmad Shukri ◽  
Nurul Syala Abd. Latip ◽  
Alias Abdullah

This study aims to examine the state of decline in the art of relationship between the urban river and all other elements in the historic townscape using principles of the Integrative Theory with the purpose to identify what binds townscape together and gives its sense of place and what causes the rupture. A qualitative-method case study was conducted in the Masjid India Riverfront District involving a visual survey, townscape appraisal, and content analysis on the morphology of the historic riverfront. The results show that the rupture between townscape and river as context is a product of poor walkability in a riverfront devoid of any setting for meaningful human activities, and the key to reweave the historic townscape is to rediscover what gives its meaning and sense of place.  


Author(s):  
Bielefeldt Heiner, Prof ◽  
Ghanea Nazila, Dr ◽  
Wiener Michael, Dr

This chapter discusses various human rights violations that arise in the context of constructing, owning, accessing, using, protecting, and preserving places of worship or other religious sites. When members of religious communities wish to construct and own places of worship they often face restrictions that are imposed by the State or competing claims by other religious communities. In this context, the conversion of places of worship as well as their confiscation and unfair restitution provisions may lead to further problems for religious communities. Furthermore, access to religious sites and their use is often unduly restricted by the State, impeded in practice by non-State actors, or hampered by religious precepts which discriminate against some people within the same religious or belief community. The chapter also discusses issues of interpretation, including the relationship between international human rights law and international humanitarian law in the context of religious sites, the obligations of various duty-bearers, and sacred sites of indigenous peoples.


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