Crossing

2019 ◽  
pp. 171-216
Author(s):  
Jesse E. Hoffnung-Garskof
Keyword(s):  
Political Life ◽  
Regular Feature ◽  
Literal Sense ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Men Of Color ◽  
Advisory Councils ◽  
Common Purpose ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
Cigar Makers ◽  
White Workers

This chapter illustrates the contradictory backdrop against which José Martí's supporters constructed the Cuban Revolutionary Party. Together, members of the party worked to ensure that in a literal sense, there was no separation into black and white political clubs, or artisan and professional clubs. Several clubs were composed mainly of white cigar makers, with almost no overlap with the membership of La Liga. In addition, there were the clubs associated with La Liga, led by men of color. The chapter reveals that the movement continued to operate against a backdrop in which racial separation, while not absolute, was a regular feature of Cuban social and now political life. Nevertheless, it seems clear that independent organizing was still necessary to mobilize these diverse constituents and to promote diverse leaders, perhaps especially men of color, to positions on the party's Advisory Councils. The fact that some men of color, elected by their own supporters (ideally, including some white workers), occupied a place of honor each time that the party gathered was crucial to the argument that the movement was both unified in common purpose and sincerely democratic.

Communism in South Africa

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Irina Filatova
Keyword(s):  
South Africa ◽  
World War Ii ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
African National Congress ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Ideological Influence ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
History Of ◽  
Democratic Revolution ◽  
White Workers

The history of communism in South Africa began with the formation in 1921 of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA). The party was entirely white, as was the majority of organized labor—its main constituency. The CPSA attempted to fight for equality of black and white workers, but white labor refused to desegregate, and the party’s support among Africans was practically nonexistent. In 1928, the Communist International (Comintern), of which the CPSA was a member, sent it an instruction to work for an “independent native republic.” This slogan helped the party to attract a black membership, but resulted in much infighting. The CPSA’s position strengthened during World War II, but in 1950, after Afrikaner nationalists came to power, the party was banned. It re-emerged in 1953 as the underground South African Communist Party (SACP). Since then, the party has worked closely with the African National Congress (ANC). Many of its cadres were simultaneously ANC members. In 1955, communists helped to formulate the Freedom Charter, the ANC’s overarching program. In 1960, the SACP launched the armed struggle against apartheid. The ANC took the nascent liberation army under its wing in 1963. In the early 1960s, many party members, including Nelson Mandela, were arrested or forced into exile. The party had a deep ideological influence on the ANC: from 1969, its ideas on South Africa as a colony of a special type and on the National Democratic Revolution (NDR) have become part of all ANC programs. After the end of apartheid, communists occupied important positions in all ANC governments. Despite this, many in the SACP have been unhappy with the direction the ANC has taken. However, the party has not contested elections on its own, trying instead to influence ANC policies from inside. This has cost it its reputation as a militant revolutionary party.

scholarly journals PARTICIPATION OF PEASANTS OF THE SIMBIRSK VOLGA REGION IN REVOLUTIONARY AND TERRORIST ACTIVITIES CARRIED OUT BY THE SOCIALIST REVOLUTIONARY PARTY (1905–1907)

2021 ◽  
pp. 65-74
Author(s):  
Andrei V. Mankov
Keyword(s):  
Political Violence ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Political Organization ◽  
Volga Region ◽  
The Social ◽  
Revolutionary Party ◽  
Significant Phenomenon ◽  
The Russian Empire ◽  
Xix Century

In the second half of the XIX century, revolutionary terrorism emerged in the territory of the Russian Empire. This particular kind of socio-political violence was promoted in those years by some populist groups that worked primarily in Moscow and St. Petersburg, for example, the Ishutin circle, which consisted mainly of students. One of its participants, a former student D. Karakozov, shot at the Russian Emperor Alexander II 155 years ago in April 1866 in St. Petersburg. The most famous “revolutionary terrorists” of Russia were members of the largest Russian opposition political organization of the XIX century, “Narodnaya Volya”, most of whom were, as one used to say then, raznochinets. Revolutionary terrorism in the empire reached its peak in the first years of the XX century (1902–1907), when it became part of the strategy and tactics of a number of opposition political parties and organizations of neo-populist orientation. They acted both in the national regions of the country (Little Russia, Transcaucasia) and in Russian capitals and regions. First of all, this has to do with the All-Russian Party of Socialist Revolutionaries (SRs). At the same time, in the territory of the Russian provinces in the era of brutal revolutionary terrorism in the country, not only the Socialist revolutionaries had their revolutionary-terrorist (combat) formations. So, during this period, terrorist units were created by the SR Maximalists who left the party during the First Russian Revolution and contributed to the ideological and organizational split of the Social Revolutionaries. In the same years, various anarchist structures had combat organizations. Having become a significant phenomenon of the socio-political life of a huge country, terrorism drew representatives of different social groups of the population into its practice. What was the role of the peasantry in the Socialist-Revolutionary terror? The author gives examples where the peasants of the Simbirsk Volga region took part in carrying out terrorist attacks. The researcher concludes that Russian peasants were among the active participants in combat units, which is clearly seen in the examples of combat structures of Simbirsk provincial organization of the Socialist-Revolutionary Party, in the ranks of which, for example, in rural areas, there were combat squads consisting mainly of peasants.

scholarly journals Quantifying the contribution of occupational segregation to racial disparities in health: A gap-closing perspective

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ian Lundberg
Keyword(s):  
Racial Disparities ◽  
Occupational Segregation ◽  
Structural Racism ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Causal Assumptions ◽  
Micro Level ◽  
White Workers ◽  
Racial Disparities In Health ◽  
Population Disparity ◽  
Gap Closing

Racism causes racial disparities in health, and structural racism has many components. Focusing on one of those components, this paper addresses occupational segregation. I document high onset of work-limiting disabilities in occupations where many workers identify as non-Hispanic Black or as Hispanic. I then pivot to a causal question. Suppose we took a sample from the population and reassigned their occupations to be a function of education alone. To what degree would health disparities narrow for that sample? Using observational data, I estimate that the disparity between non-Hispanic Black and white workers would narrow by one-third. This estimate is credible because of adjustment for lagged measures of demographics, human capital, and health carried out under transparent causal assumptions. The result contributes to understanding about inequality and health by quantifying the contribution of occupational segregation to a disparity: if we took a sample and reassigned occupations, the disparity would narrow but would not disappear. The paper contributes to methodology by illustrating an approach to macro-level claims (how segregation affects a population disparity) that draws on explicitly causal micro-level analyses (potential outcomes for individuals) for which data are abundant.

Diaspora Institutions and Diaspora Governance

2014 ◽  
Vol 48 (1_suppl) ◽  
pp. 180-217 ◽  
Author(s):  
Alan Gamlen
Keyword(s):  
Global Governance ◽  
National Level ◽  
Research Priorities ◽  
Migration Policy ◽  
Political Life ◽  
Comparative Approach ◽  
Regular Feature ◽  
Decentralized System

Why do governments form institutions devoted to emigrants and their descendants in the diaspora? Such institutions have become a regular feature of political life in many parts of the world: Over half all United Nations Member States now have one. Diaspora institutions merit research because they connect new developments in the global governance of migration with new patterns of national and transnational sovereignty and citizenship, and new ways of constructing individual identity in relation to new collectivities. But these institutions are generally overlooked. Migration policy is still understood as immigration policy, and research on diaspora institutions has been fragmented, case-study dominated, and largely descriptive. In this article, I review and extend the relevant theoretical literature and highlight empirical research priorities. I argue that existing studies focus too exclusively on national-level interests and ideas to explain how individual states tap diaspora resources and embrace these groups within the nation-state. However, these approaches cannot explain the global spread of diaspora institutions. This, I argue, requires a comparative approach and greater attention to the role of efforts to create a coherent but decentralized system of global governance in the area of international migration.

Political Parties and Labor-Market Outcomes: Evidence from US States

2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (4) ◽  
pp. 198-220 ◽  
Author(s):  
Louis-Philippe Beland
Keyword(s):  
Labor Market ◽  
Political Parties ◽  
Labor Market Outcomes ◽  
Regression Discontinuity Design ◽  
Market Outcomes ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Wide Range ◽  
Earnings Gap ◽  
Causal Impact ◽  
White Workers

This paper estimates the causal impact of the party allegiance (Republican or Democratic) of US governors on labor-market outcomes. I match gubernatorial elections with March Current Population Survey (CPS) data for income years 1977 to 2008. Using a regression discontinuity design, I find that Democratic governors cause an increase in the annual hours worked by blacks relative to whites, which leads to a reduction in the racial earnings gap between black and white workers. The results are consistent and robust to using a wide range of models, controls, and specifications. (JEL D72, J15, J22, J31, R23)

scholarly journals The Earnings Gap between Black and White Workers in Canada: Evidence from the 2006 Census

2011 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 324-348 ◽  
Author(s):  
Gervan Fearon ◽  
Steven Wald
Keyword(s):  
Labour Market ◽  
Occupational Segregation ◽  
Wage Discrimination ◽  
Occupational Attainment ◽  
Full Time ◽  
Black Workers ◽  
Decomposition Approach ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Earnings Gap ◽  
White Workers

This paper investigates the earnings gap between Black and White workers in the Canadian economy using 2006 Canadian Census data. Several studies have examined visible minority earnings in Canada (e.g., Hou and Coulombe, 2010; Pendakur and Pendakur, 2011; Yap and Konrad, 2009). Recent research consistently finds that Black workers face one of the largest earnings gaps amongst ethnic groups in Canada (Pendakur and Pendakur, 2002, 2007; Hou and Coulombe, 2010). Nonetheless, the literature lacks an investigation of the combined impact of wage discrimination and occupational segregation on the earnings gap faced by Black workers in the Canadian labour market. Howland and Sakellariou (1993) as well as Hou and Coulombe (2010) highlighted the importance of occupational attainment differences in labour market outcomes. Consequently, this research suggests the need for occupational attainment to be incorporated into models investigating earnings gaps. We address the gap in the literature by utilizing the decomposition method developed by Brown, Moon and Zoloth (1980). This BMZ method extends the traditional earnings decomposition methods advanced by Blinder (1973) and Oaxaca (1973) by also identifying the role played by occupational differences. Specifically, the BMZ method estimates the portion of the earnings gap attributable to differences in productive endowments and to unexplained factors (i.e., the traditional decomposition approach) as well as extending the traditional approach by providing a calculation of the portion of the earnings gap explained by occupational attainment differences. The study finds that approximately one-fifth of the Black-White earnings gap (equaling $2,600) can be attributed to productivity-related endowment differences. Furthermore, the remaining four-fifths of the earnings gap (equaling $9,800) is attributable at the upper-bound level to occupational segregation and wage discrimination. In aggregate, the estimates of occupational segregation and wage discrimination translate into annual earnings losses of approximately $1.5 billion for full-time full-year Black workers in the Canadian workforce.

scholarly journals Religious Workers' Density and the Racial Earnings Gap

2016 ◽  
Vol 106 (5) ◽  
pp. 355-359
Author(s):  
Fernando Lozano ◽  
Jessica Shiwen Cheng
Keyword(s):  
Black Workers ◽  
Market Outcomes ◽  
Childhood Exposure ◽  
Black And White ◽  
Earnings Gap ◽  
Percent Increase ◽  
Hispanic Workers ◽  
Sources Of Variation ◽  
White Workers ◽  
The Relationship

We explore differences between Black and White Non-Hispanic workers in the relationship between childhood exposure to religious workers and a worker's labor market outcomes thirty years later. We identify this relationship by exploiting two sources of variation: we use changes in the number of religious workers within states, and we use states' differences by following workers who moved to a different state. Our results suggest that a one percent increase in the number of clergy increases the earnings of Black workers by a range from 0.027 to 0.082 percent relative to the increase in the earnings of White workers.

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