Communication Education in Korea

2003 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 5-28
Author(s):  
Baekeun Cha ◽  
Eunkyong Yook ◽  
Eungjun Min

The study of communication has become one of most popular and major disciplines in Korea. There are over one hundred communication-related departments from eighty-eight colleges with more than 16,000 students today, doubled from the early 1990s. With strong support from the government, the media industry, and colleges, communication related departments have been able to build a reasonably good foundation in terms of programs and curriculums. Like any other disciplines, however, it is experiencing growing pains, searching a balance between the intellectually coherent curriculums and providing marketable knowledge and training for example. This essay discloses and examines the historical development and the current status of communication education in Korea.The study of communication has become one of most popular and major disciplines in Korea. There are over one hundred communication-related departments from eighty-eight colleges with more than 16,000 students today, doubled from the early 1990s. With strong support from the government, the media industry, and colleges, communication related departments have been able to build a reasonably good foundation in terms of programs and curriculums. Like any other disciplines, however, it is experiencing growing pains, searching a balance between the intellectually coherent curriculums and providing marketable knowledge and training for example. This essay discloses and examines the historical development and the current status of communication education in Korea.

Author(s):  
Dinçer Atli ◽  
Mehmet Yilmazata

This chapter investigates the development of neuroeconomics as a relative new sub-discipline in the fields of economics and behavioral science. After comparing paradigms of both classical and behavioral economics, the problem of the “conscious and rational consumer” is addressed in relation to more passive views of consumerism in neuroeconomics. Highlighting the most recent trends in neuroeconomics, the chapter also addresses the historical development of the discipline of neuroeconomics as an independent field of research within the fields of media and economics. The problem of new marketing strategies as well as the evolvement of neuroeconomics as an independent discipline in the age of digitalization is presented while considering the changing nature of the media industry.


Author(s):  
Hüseyin Çelik

Economy politics that were formed with neoliberalism affected media industry like it affected all the other spheres of economy. The concentration of media structures in the world, the companies which work in the media industry being worked in the other spheres of economy, the struggle of these companies against the regulations about the media and their emphasis on the cancellation of these regulations; and the international activities of media companies attract the attention of the public for the last 50 years approximately. These developments in the media industry have been experienced in Turkey and these continued to be experienced. Neoliberal politics that were applied after 1980s caused important changes in the media industry. Another important point that attracts the attention is that even though the media actors have changed; the number of the structures that are active in media is limited and this number has not been changed for years. This paper aims to put forward the changes in the media industry in Turkey and the structures that have been shaped around these changes in the framework of neoliberal policies which were started in 1980s. In this paper a qualitative research design is used and ownership structures are analysed to investigate the changes in Turkey’s media industry since 1980s. Consequently it is seen that media actors have been changed but their numbers stayed the same. Furthermore the ownership structure of the media that is formed as a result of these developments and the organic bond between the Government is underlined.


2021 ◽  
Vol 29 ◽  
pp. 63-78
Author(s):  
Dabagyan Emil ◽  

The article analyzes the most important period in the historical development of Venezuela. Under the dictator Juan Vicente Gomez, who reigned uncontrollably for a long time, the “Generation of the 28th” emerged. It contributed notably to the democratic development of the country. The participants of named movement were mainly the representatives of student youth; they were the first to openly oppose the tyranny. "The Generation of the 28th" went through a complex evolutionary path eradicating their own mistakes. A representative democracy functioned in Venezuela for forty years. It modified the face of Venezuelan society: the adopted Constitution guaranteed to all citizens the right to elect and be elected. The regular shifts in all the government agencies, a freedom of assembly and the media were practiced. The democratic institutions worked securily while serious socio-economic reforms were carried out throughout the country.


2019 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 201-221
Author(s):  
Kateryna Kasianenko

This study analyses articles of three Russian and four Japanese newspapers covering the cases of journalists facing sexual harassment from their news sources. It aims to assess the ability of the news media of the two countries to expand the coverage of these cases to a larger debate on the position of women through framing analysis of 431 articles. The study reveals that most of the examined articles emphasized the individual aspect of sexual harassment, confining the understanding of sexual harassment to the private sphere. In both countries, work culture of government organizations was linked to the issue of sexual harassment while reflections on the institutional context of media industry were minimal. In Russia, representation of the issue as a conflict between the media and the government was prominent. This was reflected in the unprecedented boycott of the State Duma by Russian journalists. In Japan, the establishment of an informal network of women working in the media industry was a positive development. However, overall findings suggest that the newspapers’ potential to become a forum where the problem of sexual harassment could be debated in relation to broader issues, was not realized to its fullest.


2010 ◽  
Vol 16 (2) ◽  
pp. 81-98 ◽  
Author(s):  
Reggie Dutt

This article evaluates Fiji’s Media Industry Development Decree 2010 by drawing a link between it and the Singaporean media laws and the collaborative role the Fijian regime claims journalism should play in the nation’s development. A number of sections of the Fiji Media Decree are similar to the Singapore Media Development Authority Act 2003 and it contains similar harsh fines and jail terms. The Fiji Media Decree makes provisions for a Media Industry Development Authority and a Media Tribunal, both of which are appointed and controlled by the government. The Authority has wide-ranging powers to search, seize and censor, and refer to the Tribunal incidents which it considers are in breach of the decree. The government minister responsible for administering the decree has a direct say in the make-up of the Media Industry Development Authority and may give directions to the Authority in the performance of its duties and the exercise of its powers. This study explores the powers vested in the government via these two proposed bodies and what they will mean for journalism, freedom of speech and media freedom in Fiji. It also shows the merits of a ‘collaborative journalism’ model for a developing nation but explains how the design is flawed under the conditions it has been imposed in Fiji.


Author(s):  
Sarphan Uzunoğlu

This chapter analyzes the politics of media in Turkey and the formation of Turkey’s so-called new media order characterized by polarization, corporatization, widespread censorship, and lack of journalistic independence. It argues that Turkey’s ongoing media crisis arose due to structural transformations starting from the early 1980s and becoming more accelerated and visible under the rule of the Justice and Development Party (AKP). The chapter discusses Turkey’s media crisis in three steps. Firstly, it contextualizes Turkey’s traditional media system within globally recognized media systems and provides a historical understanding of the impact of political elites and the government on the media industry. Secondly, it discusses shifts in media consumption habits and media ownership structure under AKP rule and shows how these shifts served the party’s political agenda. Finally, it offers a critical overview of several existing prescriptive approaches to Turkey’s media crisis and argues that techno-determinist and overgeneralizing approaches are incompatible with Turkey’s social reality.


Journalism ◽  
2017 ◽  
Vol 19 (8) ◽  
pp. 1131-1148 ◽  
Author(s):  
Marius Dragomir

The media industry has been ravaged by the economic crises. Some media, mainly those covering tabloid fare and digitally savvier than others or those backed by deep-pocketed investors, are surviving or even thriving. But independent journalism outfits, particularly outside the Western world, have been grappling with serious financial problems. This article is an analysis of how government uses funding, directly and indirectly, to capture the media. It describes trends in how governments use funding to control media by not financing independent journalism, but choosing to fund instead media outlets that advance the government agenda and the interests of its allies and supporters, either political groups or businesses.


Journalism ◽  
2020 ◽  
pp. 146488492094196
Author(s):  
Alexey Kovalev

This article explores the dual influence of market and political pressures on journalists and the resulting character of censorship and self-censorship in Russia. In particular, it focuses on how these pressures affect the work environment journalists have to engage with and the quality of news they produce. It also explains the economic and political context of commercialised news aggregation and its impact on the media industry and its workers. A cut-throat media market makes it almost impossible for any outlet to not have to sacrifice some aspects of quality journalism in order to increase its audience. As a journalist with almost 20 years of experience in the media industry, I explore the conditions in Russia’s media market. Even private media owners are often deeply beholden to the state and are as susceptible to pressure from state agents and censorship as are outlets that are directly owned by the government. This can partly be explained by the fact that many outlets which used to be privately-owned and independent have undergone hostile takeovers, including new editorial teams loyal to the state.


2000 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 12-16
Author(s):  
Raveena Singh

In many ways the profession of public relations has not been fully understood. Public relations, however, has a recorded history of almost a century. This article provides a brief survey of the historical development and current status of public relations. It also offers an insight into what public relations is, its growth, maturation and professionalisation, together with its position in the 21st century. Public relations is currently progressing into a serious academic area of study and a profession. Given rapid and increasing changes, both nationally and internationally, the profession offers a dynamic and challenging career in the next century. Both education and training are continuously reassessing and updating curricula to meet these challenges, with tertiary education now being undertaken up to doctoral level. A snapshot of the profession is offered in this paper through a study undertaken by Mercer Cullen Egan Dell (Public Relations Institute of Australia, 1998). Permission has been granted to report the findings.


2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-83
Author(s):  
Michael Otieno Otieno; Michael M. Ndonye

The main aim of this paper is to investigate media ownership patterns and analyse the implications of such patterns in Kenya—while thinking globally. Notably, media industry has attracted politicians and business tycoons around the world. It is one of the most lucrative industries that come with a lot of power and influence. From the literature reviewed in this analysis, it is evident that very few studies have been done to critically look at the media ownership patterns in Kenya and the implications such ownership have in the media market place. The paper is aimed at answering three questions. 1) What has been the media ownership pattern in Kenya since independence? 2) What does media ownership patterns mean to the Kenyan Media industry? 3) How does this pattern in Kenya compare to the rest of the world? Analysis from this research seems to demonstrate that most media outlets in Kenya are either politically owned or have some political agenda attached to them. As a result of such pattern, the Kenyan media experience narrow content and lack of alternative viewpoint of news and information disseminated to the public. Secondly, there is lack of balance since the main aim of the media is to advance political agenda as opposed to being the fourth estate—that watchdogs the government on behalf of the society. The findings also indicate that there are similarities in media ownership in Kenya and those around the world. When the political class owns the media, its normative roles are compromised, the editorial independence is skewed, and the media loses its impact as a cultural institution. The recommendation is that only community media can undo the pattern that is being established by politically owned media industry.


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