scholarly journals Questioning public interest journalism in New Caledonia

2013 ◽  
Vol 19 (1) ◽  
pp. 73
Author(s):  
Mari M'Bala-Ndi

Commentary: François Hollande’s five-year term of office as President of France overlaps a critical time for the future of New Caledonia, where a referendum is set to take place between 2014 and 2019 to decide whether or not the archipelago will remain within the French Republic or become independent. New Caledonia has a unique status in the polity of France. It is a special collectivity, more than a colonial territory, but less than a fully independent state within a Francophone commonwealth. It is the author’s contention, however, that within the public sphere of this unique political entity, it is the media in New Caledonia, rather than the government of metropolitan France that will play the decisive role in influencing the future of New Caledonia. Therefore, this commentary sets out to interrogate the role local media could play in the future of the archipelago and the implications for the New Caledonian public.

2020 ◽  
Vol 3 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Yuhanyin Ma

<p align="justify">Marriage equality or the equal status of same-sex marriage has undergone a rather tough road in Australia, involving diverging opinions in parties at the state and federal levels and constitutional amendments. It appears that people in power set the agenda on the legalization of same-sex marriage. However, it cannot be denied that social media played an almost decisive role in this process because it enabled the gathering of massive public opinion to pressure the government to make changes. To be specific, social media or social networking sites offered platforms for people concerned to share reports about the progress of foreign countries in legalizing same-sex marriage, to express their opinions and to launch campaigns in support of their beliefs. This essay explores the role that social media played in the legalization of marriage equality movement in Australia from the perspectives of the public sphere theory and the agenda-setting theory.</p>


Author(s):  
Ya-Wen Lei

Since the mid-2000s, public opinion and debate in China have become increasingly common and consequential, despite the ongoing censorship of speech and regulation of civil society. How did this happen? This book shows how the Chinese state drew on law, the media, and the Internet to further an authoritarian project of modernization, but in so doing, inadvertently created a nationwide public sphere in China—one the state must now endeavor to control. The book examines the influence this unruly sphere has had on Chinese politics and the ways that the state has responded. It shows that the development of the public sphere in China has provided an unprecedented forum for citizens to influence the public agenda, demand accountability from the government, and organize around the concepts of law and rights. It demonstrates how citizens came to understand themselves as legal subjects, how legal and media professionals began to collaborate in unexpected ways, and how existing conditions of political and economic fragmentation created unintended opportunities for political critique, particularly with the rise of the Internet. The emergence of this public sphere—and its uncertain future—is a pressing issue with important implications for the political prospects of the Chinese people. The book offers new possibilities for thinking about the transformation of state–society relations.


Author(s):  
Zizi Papacharissi

The objective of this article is to sketch out the profile of the digital citizen. The premise for this article rests upon utopian views that embrace new media technologies as democratizers of postindustrial society (e.g., Bell, 1981; Johnson & Kaye, 1998; Kling, 1996; Negroponte, 1998; Rheingold, 1993) and cautionary criticism that questions the substantial impact new media could have on reviving a dormant public sphere (e.g., Bimber & Davis, 2003; Davis, 1999; Hill & Hughes, 1998; Jankowski & van Selm, 2000; Jones, 1997; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Scheufele & Nisbet, 2002). Concurrently, declining participation in traditional forms of political involvement and growing public cynicism (e.g., Cappella & Jamieson, 1996, 1997; Fallows, 1996; Patterson, 1993, 1996) position the Internet and related technologies as vehicles through which political activity can be reinvented. Still, conflicting narratives on civic involvement, as articulated by the government, politicians, the media, and the public, create confusion about the place and role of the citizen in a digital age. The digital citizen profile, therefore, is defined by historical and cultural context, divided between expectation and skepticism regarding new media, and presents hope of resurrecting the public sphere and awakening a latent, postmodern political consciousness. This article outlines these conditions, reviews perceptions of the digital citizen, and proposes a digital citizen role model for the future.


Author(s):  
Z. Papacharissi

The objective of this article is to sketch out the profile of the digital citizen. The premise for this article rests upon utopian views that embrace new media technologies as democratizers of postindustrial society (e.g., Bell, 1981; Johnson & Kaye, 1998; Kling, 1996; Negroponte, 1998; Rheingold, 1993) and cautionary criticism that questions the substantial impact new media could have on reviving a dormant public sphere (e.g., Bimber & Davis, 2003; Davis, 1999; Hill & Hughes, 1998; Jankowski & van Selm, 2000; Jones, 1997; Margolis & Resnick, 2000; Scheufele & Nisbet, 2002). Concurrently, declining participation in traditional forms of political involvement and growing public cynicism (e.g., Cappella & Jamieson, 1996, 1997; Fallows, 1996; Patterson, 1993, 1996) position the Internet and related technologies as vehicles through which political activity can be reinvented. Still, conflicting narratives on civic involvement, as articulated by the government, politicians, the media, and the public, create confusion about the place and role of the citizen in a digital age. The digital citizen profile, therefore, is defined by historical and cultural context, divided between expectation and skepticism regarding new media, and presents hope of resurrecting the public sphere and awakening a latent, postmodern political consciousness. This article outlines these conditions, reviews perceptions of the digital citizen, and proposes a digital citizen role model for the future.


2017 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
Daniel Susilo

After 1999, Indonesia's Media became grown up. It is the implication of the fallen of the authoritarian regime, Suharto. The growth has another side effect about trends of media conglomeration. Indonesian Media Conglomerate such as Tanoesoedibjo, Tandjung, Paloh and Bakrie also have the background as a politician. Mass media are an efficient tool to change the mind of people.  Mass society theory makes several basic assumptions about individuals, the role of media, and the nature of social change. Media owner used their media for preserving his political influences. Facing this situation, Indonesian regulation about media ownership ignored by media owners. They used their power in the political area to get away from the regulation. Whereas, in Indonesian Law Number 32, issued on 2002 about Broadcasting Media, Especially on Chapter 36 verse 4 states, "broadcast content must be maintained neutrality and should not put the interests of a group". Many complain from the media audience, but no action from the government. The regulator doesn't enforce the law, especially at Broadcast Media. Most of the press uses the public sphere, who design for democratisation process, not for individual or political party's interest. Keywords: media conglomeration, Indonesia, Politics


Author(s):  
Stylianos Papathanassopoulos

This chapter describes the structure and development of the media sector in Greece. It explores the relationship between media, political elites, and vested private interests. It examines the major features of the Greek media system, characterized by: a) low levels of newspaper circulation; b) a tradition of advocacy reporting; c) instrumentalization of privately owned media; d) tight governmental control of the public broadcaster; e) politicization of media regulation, and f) limited development of journalism as an autonomous profession. Furthermore, it argues that the Greek state has played a decisive role in the development of the media sector either as legislator, owner, or ‘sponsor’. Within this framework, it explores the closing-down and re-opening of the public broadcaster, the development of digital television in Greece, and the attempts of the government to grant licences to the TV sector. Finally, it discusses whether the Greek media landscape has entered a new era of ‘interplay’ between media owners and politicians in the digital age, while the citizens, especially the younger generations, have turned heavily to social media for their daily political information and commentary.


2021 ◽  
pp. 194016122110202
Author(s):  
Gebru K. Kiflu ◽  
Adem C. Ali ◽  
Hagos Nigussie

This paper explores the factors constraining public service and commercial television channels in constituting the public sphere in Ethiopia. It focuses on three television stations and their respective programs, such as the Ethiopian Broadcasting Corporation's Ethiopian television (ETV)'s Medrek, Fana Broadcasting Corporation's Zuria Meles, and LTV's Sefiw Mehidar. The data was collected starting from 2019 to 2020 in Addis Ababa, the capital city of Ethiopia, where the three TV stations are located. These programs were designed to entertain different views, including ideologies, policies, and strategies to be deliberated and critiqued. They have created opportunities for debate and discussion as the Ethiopian media did not have new program formats for public deliberation-related shows previously. However, results showed that these platforms remained ineffective to entertain a diversity of views. One of the major challenges for this is that the production process encounters multiple obstructions from the media, the guests, and the government authorities. Guests fear to deliberate their views openly and prefer to remain abstinent. Also, the hosts lacked the courage, professionalism, and basic knowledge about the topics for discussion. Government authorities do not want the programs to be critical and deliberative. Equally, failures to achieve an inclusive public sphere are the outcomes of the unstable political landscape in the country. Therefore, due to different factors, including a highly controlled media landscape in Ethiopia, creating platforms for public debate seems unattainable.


2019 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 125
Author(s):  
Adriana Santos Batista ◽  
Milan Puh

Neste artigo, é apresentada uma análise de discurso jornalístico acerca das representações sobre o perfil de professor na educação angolana. O objetivo é discutir, linguística e discursivamente, como os meios de comunicação abordam aspectos ligados à educação, com foco na análise dos ditos e não ditos em concurso público para professor de rede pública em Angola, no ano de 2018. Para tanto, foram utilizadas as contribuições teórico-metodológicas de Pêcheux (1988) sobre o interdiscurso e Orlandi (1997) a respeito do silêncio, importantes para o entendimento do “jogo discursivo” entre o dito e não dito sobre o perfil do professor. Para a composição do corpus, foram considerados 14 textos publicados em 2018 no Jornal de Angola. Tal recorte temporal foi estabelecido por coincidir com a realização do concurso público que foi amplamente abordado pela mídia, constituindo a nossa hipótese de que os aspectos abordados pelos meios de comunicação são aqueles para os quais se busca adesão por parte dos governantes. Dessa forma, haveria material para discutir como e quais anseios do setor educacional sobre o futuro professor são representados pela mídia. Cabe ressaltar que as análises da interconexão entre diferentes tipos de discursos poderão possibilitar uma maior compreensão de seu impacto no imaginário que se constrói acerca dos professores, do ensino em geral e da solução para as dificuldades educacionais em Angola.Palavras-chave: Concurso público; Discurso; Educação; Formações imaginárias. ABSTRACT: In this article, we present an analysis of journalistic discourse about the representations of the teacher profile in Angolan education. The objective is to discuss, linguistically and discursively, how the media approach aspects related to education, focusing on the analysis of what has been said and not said in a public tender for new teachers in the public sector in Angola, in the year 2018. In this manner, were used the theoretical-methodological contributions of Pêcheux (1988) on interdiscourse and Orlandi (1997) on silence, important for the understanding of the "discursive game" between the said and not said about the profile of the teacher. In order to compose the corpus, we considered 14 texts published in 2018 by the Jornal de Angola. Such a temporal definition was established because of its coinciding with the public tender that was widely covered by the media, so our hypothesis is that the aspects addressed by the media are those for which acceptance is sought by the government. In this way, there would be material to discuss how and which educational sector expectations of the future teacher are represented by the media. It should be emphasized that the analysis of the interconnection between different types of discourses may allow a better understanding of its impact on the imaginary that is built on teachers, teaching in general and the solution to the educational difficulties in Angola.Keywords: Civil service examination; Discourse; Education; Imaginary formations.


2017 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Chelsy Yesicha

The research was distributed by the author's interest against Ex Gafatar that occur in Indonesia. Their existence as illegal organization until their expulsion from Earth borneo makes compelling colors for covered by the various media. Each media pack with news of construction in accordance with the ideology they have. So, researchers specializing in the preaching of the Riau Post as local media in spreading the repatriation of Ex Gafatar to Riau. This study used a qualitative approach to discourse analysis models Teun A Van Dijk. Data was collected by interview and documentation. The object of ten research news, consists of nine news from Riau. Informants consisted from chief editor Riau Pos’s newspaper. To achieve the validity of the data in this research, researchers used  triangulation. The results showed: first, Analysis of the discourse, news coverage in newspapers the Riau Post puts a theme raised about the handling of the journey undertaken by the Government of Riau in escorting the repatriation of ex gafatar to Riau. The emphasis on the performance of the apparatus of Government through the promised construction of the Riau Post attempted to grow back the trust of the community to be able to accept back those in neighborhoods with a guarantee from the Government. Second, Representation of the media conducted by the Riau post which uses a constructionist approach is judged in favour to the Government as a form of fostering kepercayaaan Government in dealing with such cases. Without these events, hide impressed the Riau Post tried to suppress the conflict by giving the role of social control to the public.


Author(s):  
Godwin Ehiarekhian Oboh

This paper explores the tripartite relationship between the media, elections and good governance in the contemporary Nigerian politics. It examines the growing impact of the media (especially with the emergence of the new media) on the various ways in which Nigerian political parties, politicians as well as governments present themselves to the electorate both for the purposes of electioneering campaigns and promotion of government policies as agenda for development. The paper foregrounds the critical roles that the media have to play in order to open up the public sphere and facilitate mass participation in governance with the implication of enhancing democratic values and cultures in Nigerian democracy. In this regard, particular focus is paid to reporting the 2007 general elections and the influence of the Nigerian newspaper proprietors and the government on the editorial stance of the media on the elections. It was noted that the government owned newspapers tended to reflect the position of the authoritarian model, while their private owned counterparts operated along the lines of the libertarian perspective while reporting on the elections.


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