scholarly journals “Nova Revija” Magazine as a Catalyst for Socio-political Changes (to the 30th anniversary of Slovenia’s declaration of independence)

Author(s):  
Nadezhda Starikova ◽  

The article tells about the activities of the Slovenian literary-critical magazine “Nova Revia” (1982–2010), which united representatives of the democratic intelligentsia – writers, critics, philosophers, sociologists – and became “the intellectual center of the ‘Slovenian spring’” (N. Grafenauer). In the late 1980s on its pages were discussed not only topical problems of culture, literature and art, but were conducted polemics on internal political and national issues, was openly sounded criticism of socialist ideology and ethics. The magazine published the first national political program of the opposition, in which were expressed the demands for the state independence of the Republic of Slovenia. Its authors played an important role in the formation of a multi-party system in the republic and in the political life of the young state after the proclamation of sovereignty.

2018 ◽  
pp. 8-15
Author(s):  
Іvan Pobochiy

The level of social harmony in society and the development of democracy depends to a large extent on the level of development of parties, their ideological and political orientation, methods and means of action. The purpose of the article is to study the party system of Ukraine and directions of its development, which is extremely complex and controversial. The methods. The research has led to the use of such scientific search methods as a system that allowed the party system of Ukraine to be considered as a holistic organism, and the historical and political method proved to be very effective in analyzing the historical preconditions and peculiarities of the formation of the party system. The results. The incompetent, colonial past and the associated cruel national oppression, terror, famine, and violent Russification caused the contradictory and dramatic nature of modernization, the actual absence of social groups and their leaders interested in it, and the relatively passive reaction of society to the challenges of history. Officials have been nominated by mafia clans, who were supposed to protect their interests and pursue their policies. Political struggle in the state took place not between influential political parties, but between territorial-regional clans. The party system of Ukraine after the Maidan and the beginning of the war on the Donbass were undergoing significant changes. On the political scene, new parties emerged in the course of the protests and after their completion — «Petro Poroshenko Bloc», «People’s Front», «Self-help»), which to some extent became spokespeople for not regional, but national interests. Pro-European direction is the main feature of the leading political parties that have formed a coalition in the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine. Conclusion. The party system of Ukraine as a result of social processes is at the beginning of a new stage in its development, an important feature of which is the increase in the influence of society (direct and indirect) on the political life of the state. Obviously, there is a demand from the public for the emergence of new politicians, new leaders and new political forces that citizens would like to see first and foremost speakers and defenders of their interests.


2019 ◽  
Vol 12 ◽  
pp. 88-100
Author(s):  
Vasyl GULAY ◽  
Vira MAKSYMETS

The authors assume that the results of the 2019 elections in Poland to the European Parliament and the Sejm and the Senate influence not only the transformation of the country's party system and its socio-political development in the coming years, but also the place and importance of Poland's interstate relations with Ukraine in general and specific problems of large-scale Ukrainian labor migration to Poland in particular. The completion of the elections to the European Parliament of the 9th cadence actually gave rise to the election campaign to the Sejm and Senate of the Xth convocation. The predominant practice of most political parties has been to provide candidates of Ukrainian descent or immigrants from Ukraine (despite even a minimal number of them against the background of the Ukrainian national minority and newly naturalized citizens of the Republic of Poland) for the most part, starting places in the relevant regional party lists. Despite the noticeable growth of broad Ukrainian subjects since the fall of 2013, first in Polish foreign and then domestic politics, this has not, however, been reflected in a corresponding quantitative and qualitative conversion following the 2019 elections to the European Parliament and the Sejm and Senate of the Republic of Poland. The 2019 elections, among other things, draw attention not only to the place and role of the Ukrainian national minority in the political life of Poland, but also to indicate the political participation of Polish citizens from among the new migrants of the 1990s – 2010s, in view of the growing the extent of naturalization as Polish citizens of our country of origin, and the differences between different socially active environments of Polish citizens of Ukrainian descent. Internal processes among politically active Ukrainians in Poland who have the right to vote allow us to speak of a departure from the prevailing sympathies with the Civic Platform over the decades in favor of new left-wing political projects. Keywords Poland, election campaign, European Parliament, Sejm, Senate, Ukrainian context.


1995 ◽  
Vol 50 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-43 ◽  

The November 1994 crisis over the extradition to Northern Ireland of a paedophile priest was generally seen in Ireland as marking ‘a watershed in the political life of the state’. It provoked unprecedented public interest, raised fundamental questions about democracy and appeared to crystallize the long process of state-church realignment which has been taking place in Ireland for more than two decades. This paper reflects on the repercussions of the crisis, from a personal perspective, and especially with regard to changing gender relations in the Republic and the emergence of peace in Northern Ireland.


Author(s):  
Sergey Borisovich Glushachenko

The subject of this article is the comparison of the legislation of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan with regards to regulation of the establishment and activity of political parties. Multi-party system became a new phenomenon for both countries at the turn of the XXI century, and one of the tasks faced by the states consisted in its proper normative regulation. History of the countries did not provide adequate source material for the establishment of genuine multi-party system. The political parties basically functioned in the atmosphere of legal vacuum, which attached the attributes of chaos to the political life. Despite the common starting point along with the external similarity of party system in Russia and Kazakhstan, the legislation on parties has national specificity. Kazakhstan's legislation at the constitutional level enshrines the importance of parties for public life of the country. The first law on political parties was adopted in 1996, while the effective law has a different conceptual framework – it arguably became the product of evolution of the party system and corresponds with its current state. Russian legislation on political parties has a shorter history, and clearly is in a formative stage, which is testified by a number of amendments made to the corresponding federal law. However, the legislation of both Russia and Kazakhstan has a number of advantages that should be considered in further improvement of the normative legal base, which is especially relevant in a time of political transformation that affected both countries.


1974 ◽  
Vol 64 ◽  
pp. 62-78 ◽  
Author(s):  
A. W. Lintott

The battle of Bovillae on 18th January, 52 B.C., which led to Clodius' death, was literally treated by Cicero in a letter to Atticus as the beginning of a new era—he dated the letter by it, although over a year had elapsed. It is difficult to exaggerate the relief it afforded him from fear and humiliation for a few precious years before civil war put him once more in jeopardy. At one stroke Cicero lost his chief inimicus and the Republic lost a hostis and pestis. Moreover, the turmoil led to a political realignment for which Cicero had been striving for the last ten years—a reconciliation between the boni and Pompey, as a result of which Pompey was commissioned to put the state to rights. Cicero's behaviour in this context, especially his return to the centre of the political scene, is, one would have thought, of capital importance to the biographer of Cicero. Yet two recent English biographies have but briefly touched on the topic. It is true that, in the background of Cicero's personal drama, Caesar and Pompey were taking up positions which, as events turned out, would lead to the collapse of the Republic. However, Cicero and Milo were not to know this, nor were their opponents; friendly cooperation between the two super-politicians apparently was continuing. Politicians on all sides were still aiming to secure power and honour through the traditional Republican magistracies, and in this pursuit were prepared to use the odd mixture of violence, bribery and insistence on the strict letter of the constitution, which was becoming a popular recipe. In retrospect their obsession with the customary organs of power has a certain irony. Yet it is a testimony to the political atmosphere then. Their manoeuvres are also important because both the instability caused by the violence of Clodius and Milo, and the eventual confidence in the rule of law established under Pompey's protection, helped to determine the political position of the boni associated with Pompey in 49 B.C. Cicero's relationship with Milo is at first sight one of the more puzzling aspects of his career. What had they in common, except that Milo, like most late Republican politicians, was at one time associated with Pompey? Properly interpreted, however, this relationship may not only illuminate Cicero's own attitudes but illustrate the character of the last years of Republican politics.


2015 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 17
Author(s):  
Ahmad El-Sharif

The Late King Hussein’s last Speech from the Throne in 1997 was given amidst public outcry over the outcomes of the parliamentary elections which resulted the triumph tribal figures with regional affiliations after the boycott of most political parties. This brought to public debate the questions of maintain the long-established balance between the several socio-political structures in the political life in Jordan. While the speech can be perceived as a reflection of King Hussein’s vision about ‘Jordanian democracy’, it can also be interpreted as an elaborate scheme to construct the conventional understanding of the exceptionality of Jordan and its socio-political institutions; including democracy. This article discusses the representation of ‘Jordanian democracy’, the state, and the socio-political structures in Jordan as reflected in the Late King’s last speech from the throne (1997). The analytical framework follows a critical metaphor analysis perspective in which all instances of metaphors used to epitomise these issues are primarily acknowledged from there sociocultural context. Herein, the article focuses on revealing the aspect of metaphorical language by which the Late King Hussein legitimizes and, hence, constructs, the prevailing ideology pf the ‘exceptionality’ of Jordan.


2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Rizka Wahyu Nurmalaningrum

Often the link between politics, economics and history escapes our attention so far. Much of the history of Indonesian development even the political history of the Indonesian nation itself has been forgotten by this millennial era society. They prefer mobile phones rather than books. Prefer cellphones from history. Even though history is important. The successors of the nation in the millennial era are more concerned with social media than knowing the origin of a country. Many do not understand the history of someone who can become president. There are various theories about history, such as Aristotelian theory, and the theory of plateau. Arisstoteles can be made a reference for learning for the ideals of the State with a fair and calm manner. The discussion with this theme takes the example of the fall of Soeharto as President of the Republic of Indonesia.


Author(s):  
Jolanta Janek

The state sector in the Italian economy dates to the 1930 s. Although back than it was considered a temporary solution to help strategically important companies survive the Great Depression, it quickly grew. After the war the state sector was the prime enforcer of the governmental strategy of rapid industrialization. The general opinion on the activities of the state sector after the war is positive as it helped the economy grew and modernize. The downside laid particularly in close ties of the state sector to the political life of Italy and resulting scandals.


2013 ◽  
pp. 13-22
Author(s):  
Vincent Duclert

The recent presidential elections in 2012 have shown that left-right cleavage was still dominant in France. The redistribution of political forces, strongly awaited by the center (but also by the extremes) did not take place. At the same time, the major issues, such the European unification, the future of the nation, the future of the Republic, the role of the state, continue to cross left and right fields, revealing other cleavages that meet other historical or philosophical contingencies. However, the left-right opposition in France structured contemporary political life, organizing political families, determining the meaning and practice of institutions. Thence, the question is to understand what defines these two political fields and what history brings to their knowledge since the French Revolution, or they are implemented


2020 ◽  
pp. 1-15
Author(s):  
Teo Ballvé

This introductory chapter briefly explores the ways in which imaginaries of statelessness have structured the political life of Urabá, Colombia. It argues that Colombia's violent conflicts have produced surprisingly coherent and resilient regimes of accumulation and rule—yet this is not to say they are benevolent. In order to do so, this chapter approaches the state as a dynamic ensemble of relations that is both an effect and an instrument of competing political strategies and relations of power. In Urabá, groups from across the political spectrum, armed and otherwise, all end up trying to give concrete coherence to the inherently unwieldy abstraction of the state in a space where it supposedly does not exist. The way this absence exerts a generative political influence is what this chapter establishes as the “frontier effect.” The frontier effect describes how the imaginary of statelessness in these spaces compels all kinds of actors to get into the business of state formation; it thrusts groups into the role of would-be state builders.


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