scholarly journals What Does Ceta Bring to Organic Production?

Pannoniana ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 285-292
Author(s):  
Bojan Stipešević

Abstract Even though eco-production is based on principles brought by IFOAM (International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements), the standards which were brought in by the national and supranational governments may differentiate in parts of regulation. The mutual recognition/equivalence of eco-standards of the EU (»EU-eco« label, based on regulation of the European Commission EZ 834/2007: 139-and EZ 889/2008: 173-256, and other regulations derived from them) and Canada (»Canada organic« label, based on valid Canadian eco-standards, regulation CAN/CGSB-32.310-2015: 53 and CAN/CGSB-32.311-2015: 75) has been present for multiple years and has been re-evaluated and confirmed in 2015 as a successful practice in the increase of access to an expanded market for producers, increase of selection for consumers and lightening the regulatory cooperation. Before mutual recognition exported eco-product from Canada to the EU (and vice-versa) had to go through recertification, which created additional expenses for exporting eco-producers (10 thousand dollars per year, on average). This process mostly resulted in an increased price of eco-products for the end consumer. In some areas the Canadian eco-regulation is stricter than the EU one, while in other it is vice versa. Some markings can mislead the consumer, especially the one who does not read the product declaration where such misgivings are clearly visible and marked. The greatest challenge for eco-production in the EU is the increase in demand for eco-products with such a speed that EU farmers cannot satisfy it, which inevitably leads to an increase of import from non-EU countries. Therefore, the help of EU governments is essential in the form of support for farmers who decide to transition into eco-production. Certain estimates say that the CETA could mean a loss of a great number of producers (estimating that it could be several thousand workplaces in agriculture across the EU). A similar agreement between the US and Mexico already led to a loss of workplace for 2 million people in Mexico in the midst of inability to compete with the industrial production of the US. The greatest fear present in eco-production is that the international agricultural businesses can force national and supranational governments to lower standards by using lawsuits, which can consequentially result in lower standards in eco-production on both sides of the Atlantic and influence the environment. It is not based on the scientific/expert arguments which governs the ecological agriculture, but a pure race for profit. Therefore, it can be expected that, once again, »greed overcomes reason«. Nevertheless, the high set »bar« of eco-production »from both sides of the pond« is the best »defence« against the fear that CETA will bring any novelties into the life of eco-producers.

Author(s):  
Thomas König ◽  
Michael E. Gorman

Public research funding agencies today are required to address proactively interdisciplinary research. “The Challenge of Funding Interdisciplinary Research: A Look Inside Public Research Funding Agencies” looks specifically at two funding agencies—the US National Science Foundation (NSF) and the EU European Research Council (ERC)—and how these bodies promote interdisciplinarity, on the one hand, and how they claim to identify it, on the other. Inevitably, this gives the funding agencies some definition power over what interdisciplinary research actually is or should be. At the same time, there are organizational constraints that restrict the funding agencies’ capacity to fully embrace novel ways of interdisciplinary collaboration and investigation.


2016 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 262-268
Author(s):  
Alexia Herwig

The leaked TTIP documents reveal that the EU and US are discussing the introduction of a detailed set of procedural requirements for the adoption of regulatory measures. Default provisions are set forth in the chapter on regulatory cooperation, applicable to goods and services. More specific provisions are being negotiated in the chapters on technical barriers to trade and on sanitary and phytosanitary measures. If they conflict with the regulatory cooperation chapter, they prevail.This article analyses the regulatory cooperation chapter insofar as it pertains to trade in goods but to the exclusion of SPS matters and anything provided in the TBT chapter itself. The questions this article examines are to what extent the TTIP proposals expand upon the obligations the two parties have already taken on under WTO law and to what extent the resulting regulatory coordination is consistent withWTO law. It will be shown that the US proposals on procedure may constrain substantive regulatory discretion beyond what applies under the GATT and TBT Agreement of the WTO. It will alsobe shown that the needs to conduct trade impact assessments and a detailed explanation of the necessity of measures anticipate a legal challenge to necessity and will provide information of much use to complainants in meeting their burden of proof.


Author(s):  
A. A. Sidorov

Factors and possible consequences of transatlantic integration are elaborated in the article. An overview of the history of transatlantic cooperation is provided. The author highlights the paramount goal of Transatlantic Trade and Investment Partnership (TTIP) - strengthening the positions of its parties in the world economy against the backdrop of global competition. Stalemate in Doha round of WTO trade negotiations as well as depressed state of the European economy also contributed to transatlantic integration. Validity of the EU Commission conclusion on TTIP benefits is examined. Results of TTIP econometric modelling are critically assessed. Problems of the EU-US non-tariff liberalization are analyzed. Efficiency of the EU and US labor markets is compared. Low competitiveness of the EU in comparison to the USA and underlying risks for TTIP economic growth and employment are outlined. High unemployment, difficulties of manufacturing (including high-tech industries thereof) recovery, adverse general business situation in the EU are among such risks. Various modes of regulatory cooperation and possibility of their adoption in TTIP are considered. Harmonization, erga omnes mutual recognition of regulations, bilateral mutual recognition of regulations, mutual recognition of conformity testing are distinguished. Possible implications of the modes of regulatory cooperation on TTIP members competitiveness, competition with emerging economies and global standard setting are examined. Conflict of TTIP goals and motivations is revealed. The existence of economic factors of transatlantic integration as well as overestimation of TTIP benefits (primarily for the EU economy) is concluded.


2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (85) ◽  
pp. 30-62
Author(s):  
Paulina Matera ◽  
Rafał Matera

Abstract In the article, we explore the factors which brought about the transatlantic coordination of the policy of imposing sanctions on Iran. We will mainly focus on the events in the 21st century when the new incentives for cooperation appeared due to the growing concern over the development of Iran’s nuclear programme. Considering the capabilities of using the tools of economic statecraft and diplomacy, we claim that the EU-US cooperation can be termed a co-leadership. The assessment and the reasons for the transatlantic break-up on this matter during the presidency of Donald Trump was examined using the concept of relative gains. We evaluate to what extent the initial goals were achieved in practice, and we also try to predict the possible consequences of the US withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). As to whether the effectiveness of the sanctions through the cooperation has been enhanced, the answer is ambivalent. On the one hand, the cooperating transatlantic partners managed to coerce Iran through isolating the country from international economic contacts and negotiated the JCPOA. On the other hand, Trump’s renouncement of this agreement brought many negative consequences and undermined the earlier joint effort.


2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-27
Author(s):  
Ivan Timofeev ◽  
◽  

For a long time, the US has been a global leader in terms of use of unilateral sanctions. However, the EU is getting increasingly active as sanctions’ initiator. Currently, the EU runs at least 26 regimes of sanctions to address relations with foreign states or tackle functional problems like human rights, nonproliferation, cyber security or counterterrorism. Russia is one of the targets. The EU sanctions policy raises a number of research questions. How active is the EU policy in comparison with other initiators? What are the peculiarities of the EU institutional process of sanctions implementation? What are the key targets and what is the distribution of EU decisions and actions among those targets? To address these questions the article provides analysis of Sanctions Events Database (SED), designed by Russian International Affairs Council. The research implies empirical analysis of EU sanctions policy everyday events in 2020. It also covers sanctions and enforcement actions of separate EU members as well as alignment with the EU sanctions of the third countries. The article attempts to fill in the gap in the literature between quantitative analysis of multiple sanctions cases on the one hand and in-depth analysis of particular cases on the other. It makes a special focus on EU sanctions related to Russia.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (4) ◽  
pp. 347-372
Author(s):  
Luigi Buonanno

Abstract Under the traditional and well-established conception, credit bureaus are understood as being little more than vessels storing customer data that has been furnished by specific suppliers, such as banks, intermediaries and, more generally, lenders. Accordingly, credit bureaus are deemed to play a ‘neutral’ role in the credit market. Hence, in Europe and the US, they are generally not responsible for any inaccuracies in the information they put into circulation, despite data quality being crucial for the proper functioning of the market and for a fair allocation of resources. This circumstance engenders, however, a conflict between the market interest in accurate data and the ‘endogenous’ for-profit interest of credit bureaus. More specifically, despite their performing an important activity in an oligopolistic environment, credit bureaus are presently allowed to pursue their for-profit interest without any substantial accountability as regards their ‘exogenous’ function of transmitting accurate data. This disequilibrium oftentimes results in under-performance and a low level of data quality. The analysis points out, also through a comparative analysis with the rules governing the US credit report system, how these circumstances in the credit market sector can imperil some pivotal objectives of the EU legal policy, which aims at ensuring equal levels of protection among citizens of Member States within a unique environment dependent on the cross-border exchange of information.


2018 ◽  
Vol 25 (6) ◽  
pp. 718-732
Author(s):  
Leandro Mancano

This paper argues that the application of mutual recognition to judicial cooperation in criminal matters within the European Union (EU) imposes a redefinition of the right to liberty to adjust the latter to the peculiarities of the Union legal order. The article emphasizes the important role that the principle of proportionality in EU law can have for improving the protection of the right to liberty. The two main scenarios of this research are analysed against the different understandings of proportionality: on the one hand, the European Arrest Warrant Framework Decision and the interpretation of the EU Court of Justice; on the other, the three Framework Decisions on transfer of prisoners, probation measures and pre trial measures alternative to detention. The conclusions reveal that, despite the increasing attention paid to proportionality in relation to the right to liberty in mutual recognition, the potential offered by EU law to better protect the right to liberty is still underexploited.


ECONOMICS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-108
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Đukić ◽  
Mirjana Štaka ◽  
Dajana Drašković

Abstract Economic experts’ predictions of a slowdown in the EU’s global economy and economic growth in the year 2020 were based on various risks and uncertainties existing on a world scale, ranging from the US-China trade war, traditionally strained relations of the EU and the US on the one hand and the Russian Federation on the other, all the way to BREXIT and economic migration to developed EU countries. However, the COVID-19 pandemic has further aggravated those forecasts, so that the entire EU is recording a historic decline in all macroeconomic aggregates. The beginning of the pandemic in the EU was accompanied by the complete border lockdown of the entire Union, which greatly affected the economies of the member states. The EU is experiencing a decline of both real and nominal GDP, declining incomes, employment decline and unemployment increase. This paper will investigate the impact of COVID-19 onto GDP, unemployment, and EU public debt. Correlation-regression analysis confirms the positive correlation between these variables and the economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition to the economic crisis, a crisis of EU health systems, which requires huge economic investments. A more prominent economic recovery is hard to expect until the global pandemic ends. One thing is for certain, this economic crisis will continue in 2021, whereby a more significant recovery is expected only in the year 2022. Certainly, it will take years to make up for the economic losses caused by the pandemic.


2014 ◽  
Vol 22 (2) ◽  
pp. 274-282
Author(s):  
Miroslava Scholten ◽  
Daniel Scholten

The current financial crisis in the Eurozone has put the debate on EU integration back on the table. Yet, how does the debate on EU integration, particularly the arguments and ideals used in it, actually influence the process of EU integration? This article wishes to provide some food for thought by arguing the debate’s irrelevance in furthering or hindering the EU integration process. It does so by discussing the role of the debate’s arguments in shaping EU integration and by comparing the EU debate with the one had by the founding fathers of the US. The article shows the debate is beside the point largely because most steps in EU integration are driven by circumstances, events, or national interests, that even when one argument seems decisive it is likely to be elevated over others by circumstances, and that none of the debate’s arguments hold an intrinsic value over others.


2011 ◽  
Vol 2 (2) ◽  
pp. 213-226 ◽  
Author(s):  
Simone Gabbi

This article highlights the importance of unbiased scientific advice in the European Union's legal system. It then analyses and compares the policies in force throughout the European Food Safety Authority, European Medicines Agency and European Commission's Scientific Committees with the one implemented by the US Food and Drugs Administration. The author argues that at the present time the framework adopted and implemented by the European Food Safety Authority seems to be the most complete and stringent amongst those taken into account in the article and he advances some proposals for further improvement of the policies regulating conflict of interest.


Sign in / Sign up

Export Citation Format

Share Document