scholarly journals Approaching the EU Sanctions Policy: An Experiment with Event Analysis

2021 ◽  
Vol 102 (2) ◽  
pp. 17-27
Author(s):  
Ivan Timofeev ◽  
◽  
Keyword(s):  
Cyber Security ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
Event Analysis ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
The Us ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

For a long time, the US has been a global leader in terms of use of unilateral sanctions. However, the EU is getting increasingly active as sanctions’ initiator. Currently, the EU runs at least 26 regimes of sanctions to address relations with foreign states or tackle functional problems like human rights, nonproliferation, cyber security or counterterrorism. Russia is one of the targets. The EU sanctions policy raises a number of research questions. How active is the EU policy in comparison with other initiators? What are the peculiarities of the EU institutional process of sanctions implementation? What are the key targets and what is the distribution of EU decisions and actions among those targets? To address these questions the article provides analysis of Sanctions Events Database (SED), designed by Russian International Affairs Council. The research implies empirical analysis of EU sanctions policy everyday events in 2020. It also covers sanctions and enforcement actions of separate EU members as well as alignment with the EU sanctions of the third countries. The article attempts to fill in the gap in the literature between quantitative analysis of multiple sanctions cases on the one hand and in-depth analysis of particular cases on the other. It makes a special focus on EU sanctions related to Russia.

scholarly journals Spain’s Economic Policy in a New Phase of European Integration

2021 ◽  
pp. 71-89
Author(s):  
K. Nikulin
Keyword(s):  
Research University ◽  
Joint Venture ◽  
Round Table ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
European Studies ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Iberian Studies ◽  
The One ◽  
Favorable Conditions ◽  
The Eu

On April 29, 2021, IMEMO RAS held a round table chaired by the Academician of the Russian Academy of Sciences, a member of the Directorate of IMEMO RAS V.G. Baranovsky and organized by the Center of European Studies of the IMEMO RAS under the leadership of Candidate of Historical Sciences Yu.D. Kvashnin. The round table participants analyzed the key problems of modern Spain's economy in the context of the emergence of new challenges of a global and regional nature. The discussion focused on the dynamics of the Spanish economy and its reaction to both a set of internal problems and external crises. In the context of unprecedented support for citizens and businesses from European regulators, Spain has become one of the primary beneficiaries in the distribution of European funds. Until 2027, the country will receive 170 billion euros. On the one hand, this will significantly boost the potential of the national economy in the long term regarding the country's role for the EU resilience and sustainability. The country's business is capable of significantly accelerating the economy through a successful foreign economic sector. The EU funds' emphasis on the Green Deal and the dominance of a government coalition with a special focus on the Green Agenda create favorable conditions for the promotion of Spanish energy multinationals at the global level. Nevertheless, Spain has been facing a number of socio-economic and political problems for a long time. Among them are high unemployment rate, significant budget deficit and political instability. The pandemic has greatly exacerbated the complexity of this range of problems. Their solution depends on the ability of the national political establishment to consolidate the existing levers and to ensure sustainable development of the economy through reforms. The assimilation of all-European fund resources, record for the country, greatly simplifies the tasks Spain is facing, but a political consensus is needed. The main speakers of the event included A.V. Avilova, K.A. Nikulin and G.N. Ponedelko from the Center of European Studies of the IMEMO RAS; I.L. Prokhorenko from the Department of International Political Problems of the IMEMO RAS; V.M. Tayar and P.P.Yakovlev from the Center of Iberian Studies of the Institute of Latin America RAS; T.V. Sidorenko from the National Research University Higher School of Economics; and T.I. Malashenko from the Department of Business Administration of the joint venture 'Digital Industrial Platform'. The review of the round table discussions was prepared by Kirill A. Nikulin, the junior researcher of the Center of European Studies of the IMEMO RAS ([email protected], ORCID: 0000-0001-6314-0447.

The Challenge of Funding Interdisciplinary Research

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Thomas König ◽  
Michael E. Gorman
Keyword(s):  
Interdisciplinary Research ◽  
Research Funding ◽  
National Science Foundation ◽  
Interdisciplinary Collaboration ◽  
Public Research ◽  
Funding Agencies ◽  
The Us ◽  
National Science ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

Public research funding agencies today are required to address proactively interdisciplinary research. “The Challenge of Funding Interdisciplinary Research: A Look Inside Public Research Funding Agencies” looks specifically at two funding agencies—the US National Science Foundation (NSF) and the EU European Research Council (ERC)—and how these bodies promote interdisciplinarity, on the one hand, and how they claim to identify it, on the other. Inevitably, this gives the funding agencies some definition power over what interdisciplinary research actually is or should be. At the same time, there are organizational constraints that restrict the funding agencies’ capacity to fully embrace novel ways of interdisciplinary collaboration and investigation.

Adjudicating the European Social Market

2018 ◽  
pp. 51-106
Author(s):  
Oliver Gerstenberg
Keyword(s):  
Fundamental Rights ◽  
Social Democrats ◽  
The Social ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Charter Of Fundamental Rights ◽  
Consumer Contracts ◽  
Unfair Terms ◽  
The One ◽  
Social Market ◽  
The Eu

At a first glance, to many observers the EU may appear to be an improbable illustration of the possibility of an extension of legitimacy and democratic justice beyond the state. In contemporary European constitutional debate constitutionalism and social democracy have become antagonists, with the survival of the one seeming to require sacrifice of the other. Authors in the tradition of ordoliberalism have celebrated the Europeanization process because it seemed to ultimately disconnect constitutionalism from democratic practice and to firmly entrench a logic of market evolution that marginalizes politics. Social democrats, by contrast, have come to believe that democracy can only flourish if the solidary politics of the nation retains its sovereignty against cosmopolitan, ‘constitutional’ intrusions from without. Proposals to deepen constitutional integration therefore give rise to the social-democratic objection. This chapter offers a stylized account of both views, which more or less mirror one another. This chapter then also provides an in-depth analysis of the CJEU’s jurisprudence in various domains regarding the efficacy of the Charter of Fundamental Rights of the EU (CFREU) in European private law: employment law and unfair terms in consumer contracts in particular. The chapter concludes that, contrary to expectations and concerns about a constitutional asymmetry between economic freedoms and fundamental social rights, the CJEU has in fact in many cases raised the standard of protection beyond the standard envisaged by national legal orders, thereby unblocking development.

scholarly journals Workers’ EU political alignments during the Great Recession

2017 ◽  
Vol 23 (4) ◽  
pp. 387-408 ◽  
Author(s):  
André Freire ◽  
Luís Cabrita ◽  
Mariana Carmo Duarte ◽  
Hugo Ferrinho Lopes
Keyword(s):  
Great Recession ◽  
The Other ◽  
Election Study ◽  
The Great Recession ◽  
Research Questions ◽  
Political Alignments ◽  
European Election ◽  
Using Data ◽  
The One ◽  
The Eu

Using data from the European Election Study 2014, this article focuses on workers’ EU political alignments during the Great Recession. It deals with two research questions. First, how does the attitude of (manual) workers towards the EU compare to that of the middle and upper classes in the aftermath of the Great Recession? Second, when it comes to workers’ support for the EU, are there systematic differences between countries affected by the crisis? The article finds that, on the one hand, in terms of patterns of workers’ EU political alignments, there are no systematic differences between countries affected to varying degrees by the Great Recession. On the other hand, workers still feel fundamentally detached from the EU, especially when it comes to the manual workers. However, high levels of generalised detachment from the EU are not clearly translated into preferences for Eurosceptic parties, since there are high levels of vote fragmentation.

scholarly journals Why does cooperation work or fail? The case of EU-US sanction policy against Iran

2019 ◽  
Vol 25 (85) ◽  
pp. 30-62
Author(s):  
Paulina Matera ◽  
Rafał Matera
Keyword(s):  
Negative Consequences ◽  
Joint Effort ◽  
Donald Trump ◽  
Comprehensive Plan ◽  
Economic Statecraft ◽  
The Us ◽  
The One ◽  
Relative Gains ◽  
Sanction Policy ◽  
The Eu

Abstract In the article, we explore the factors which brought about the transatlantic coordination of the policy of imposing sanctions on Iran. We will mainly focus on the events in the 21st century when the new incentives for cooperation appeared due to the growing concern over the development of Iran’s nuclear programme. Considering the capabilities of using the tools of economic statecraft and diplomacy, we claim that the EU-US cooperation can be termed a co-leadership. The assessment and the reasons for the transatlantic break-up on this matter during the presidency of Donald Trump was examined using the concept of relative gains. We evaluate to what extent the initial goals were achieved in practice, and we also try to predict the possible consequences of the US withdrawal from the Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action (JCPOA). As to whether the effectiveness of the sanctions through the cooperation has been enhanced, the answer is ambivalent. On the one hand, the cooperating transatlantic partners managed to coerce Iran through isolating the country from international economic contacts and negotiated the JCPOA. On the other hand, Trump’s renouncement of this agreement brought many negative consequences and undermined the earlier joint effort.

scholarly journals US – EU: new priorities in the transatlantic relations

2021 ◽  
pp. 0
Author(s):  
Oleg Prikhodko
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
World Order ◽  
The United States ◽  
Transatlantic Relations ◽  
The European Union ◽  
International Affairs ◽  
The Us ◽  
Important Player ◽  
The U.S ◽  
The Eu

The European Union is an important player in the U.S. policies aimed at maintaining liberal world order. The US-EU interaction has been shaped by a number of key variables, including international environment, specific goals of the U.S. administrations, institutional maturing of the EU, and a complex interplay of American and European diverging and overlapping interests. President D. Trump’s tenure was the most strained period in the US-EU relations, with an erosion of mutual trust and a ghost of trade war looming large. The Biden administration has reversed the U.S. policy towards the European Union. The US-EU summit held last June signified a return of normality in the relations of the transatlantic partners. Washington and Brussels outlined a broad agenda that embraces security, trade and economic issues, coordination in international affairs (concerning, in particular, Russia, China, and Iran), cooperation in decarbonizing of the world economy and promotion of a climate-friendly environment. A broad web of links between the United States and Europe facilitates their joining efforts in addressing global and regional challenges. Although, the US and the EU reached a series of compromises to mitigate their most acrimonious disagreements (Boeing–Airbus subsidies dispute is a vivid example in this regard), there are still unsettled major issues like a comprehensive free trade treaty unsuccessfully negotiated since the Obama presidency. The “Chinese factor” may turn out to be the most divisive one in the transatlantic relations, since the U.S. tough policy towards Beijing makes the EU countries to take hard decisions they prefer to avoid. While it is premature to predict precise implications of the Biden administration’s policy, one can reasonably expect the EU to become a more helpful partner to Washington in diplomatic and economic affairs.

scholarly journals What Does Ceta Bring to Organic Production?

Pannoniana ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 3 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 285-292
Author(s):  
Bojan Stipešević
Keyword(s):  
Mutual Recognition ◽  
Organic Production ◽  
For Profit ◽  
Regulatory Cooperation ◽  
The Us ◽  
Pure Race ◽  
Selection For ◽  
The One ◽  
High Set ◽  
The Eu

Abstract Even though eco-production is based on principles brought by IFOAM (International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements), the standards which were brought in by the national and supranational governments may differentiate in parts of regulation. The mutual recognition/equivalence of eco-standards of the EU (»EU-eco« label, based on regulation of the European Commission EZ 834/2007: 139-and EZ 889/2008: 173-256, and other regulations derived from them) and Canada (»Canada organic« label, based on valid Canadian eco-standards, regulation CAN/CGSB-32.310-2015: 53 and CAN/CGSB-32.311-2015: 75) has been present for multiple years and has been re-evaluated and confirmed in 2015 as a successful practice in the increase of access to an expanded market for producers, increase of selection for consumers and lightening the regulatory cooperation. Before mutual recognition exported eco-product from Canada to the EU (and vice-versa) had to go through recertification, which created additional expenses for exporting eco-producers (10 thousand dollars per year, on average). This process mostly resulted in an increased price of eco-products for the end consumer. In some areas the Canadian eco-regulation is stricter than the EU one, while in other it is vice versa. Some markings can mislead the consumer, especially the one who does not read the product declaration where such misgivings are clearly visible and marked. The greatest challenge for eco-production in the EU is the increase in demand for eco-products with such a speed that EU farmers cannot satisfy it, which inevitably leads to an increase of import from non-EU countries. Therefore, the help of EU governments is essential in the form of support for farmers who decide to transition into eco-production. Certain estimates say that the CETA could mean a loss of a great number of producers (estimating that it could be several thousand workplaces in agriculture across the EU). A similar agreement between the US and Mexico already led to a loss of workplace for 2 million people in Mexico in the midst of inability to compete with the industrial production of the US. The greatest fear present in eco-production is that the international agricultural businesses can force national and supranational governments to lower standards by using lawsuits, which can consequentially result in lower standards in eco-production on both sides of the Atlantic and influence the environment. It is not based on the scientific/expert arguments which governs the ecological agriculture, but a pure race for profit. Therefore, it can be expected that, once again, »greed overcomes reason«. Nevertheless, the high set »bar« of eco-production »from both sides of the pond« is the best »defence« against the fear that CETA will bring any novelties into the life of eco-producers.

scholarly journals Democracy in America?

Federalism ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 26 (3) ◽  
pp. 142-168
Author(s):  
M. V. Gligich-Zolotareva ◽  
K. S. Kirjuhin
Keyword(s):  
United States ◽  
Electoral System ◽  
The United States ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Us ◽  
Long Time ◽  
Democracy In America ◽  
The One ◽  
American Federalism ◽  
Political Decisions

It is officially known that democracy in the United States of America became the main idea more than two hundred years old. For a long time, it was considered the most progressive and standard for the whole world. But now people are increasingly asking questions about whether there really is a democracy in America. Is United States is really a democratic state? This article examines various aspects of the democratic structure of the state, including theoretical, historical and legal, as well as the current political situation in the United States. Based on the analysis of the US electoral legislation and the work of the American electoral system, it is concluded that, on the one hand, the citizens of the country are not guaranteed the exercise of their active and passive electoral rights. And on the other hand, key laws and political decisions are made without relying on the opinion of the citizens of the country, which does not allow us to classify such a way of governing the country as unambiguously democratic. The presidential election-2020, with its numerous violations and mass riots, was particularly criticized. To a large extent, this situation in the American electoral system is explained by fact, that the orientation of The Founding Fathers of the United States was not to ensure democratic governance of the country. They argued for strengthen American federalism, which reflected the complexity and archaic nature of the electoral system. Its allows us to conclude that neither formallyconstitutionally, nor in fact, the United States is not a democracy. The system of power that has historically developed in the United States is most accurately described by the term “oligarchy”, which generates a number of both political and constitutional-legal consequences.

scholarly journals The Impact of the COVID-19 Pandemic on the Macroeconomic Aggregates of the European Union

ECONOMICS ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (2) ◽  
pp. 91-108
Author(s):  
Aleksandar Đukić ◽  
Mirjana Štaka ◽  
Dajana Drašković
Keyword(s):  
Economic Crisis ◽  
Global Economy ◽  
Economic Losses ◽  
The European Union ◽  
The Us ◽  
Economic Migration ◽  
The One ◽  
The Impact ◽  
The Eu ◽  
Macroeconomic Aggregates

Abstract Economic experts’ predictions of a slowdown in the EU’s global economy and economic growth in the year 2020 were based on various risks and uncertainties existing on a world scale, ranging from the US-China trade war, traditionally strained relations of the EU and the US on the one hand and the Russian Federation on the other, all the way to BREXIT and economic migration to developed EU countries. However, the COVID-19 pandemic has further aggravated those forecasts, so that the entire EU is recording a historic decline in all macroeconomic aggregates. The beginning of the pandemic in the EU was accompanied by the complete border lockdown of the entire Union, which greatly affected the economies of the member states. The EU is experiencing a decline of both real and nominal GDP, declining incomes, employment decline and unemployment increase. This paper will investigate the impact of COVID-19 onto GDP, unemployment, and EU public debt. Correlation-regression analysis confirms the positive correlation between these variables and the economic crisis caused by the COVID-19 pandemic. In addition to the economic crisis, a crisis of EU health systems, which requires huge economic investments. A more prominent economic recovery is hard to expect until the global pandemic ends. One thing is for certain, this economic crisis will continue in 2021, whereby a more significant recovery is expected only in the year 2022. Certainly, it will take years to make up for the economic losses caused by the pandemic.

Wieloletnie ramy finansowe na lata 2014–2020. Wyzwanie dla Europy

2014 ◽  
pp. 82-101
Author(s):  
Marcin R. Czubala
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
Euro Area ◽  
Special Focus ◽  
The European Union ◽  
Negative Effects ◽  
Member States ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
Depth Analysis ◽  
Financial Framework ◽  
The Eu

The negotiations in the Council of the European Union and the draft budget for 2014–2020 approved by all of the Member States have shown a significant impact of the negative effects of the crisis and instability in the euro area on the next Multiannual Financial Framework of the European Union. Therefore, in the context of the current political situation in Europe and because of the stated factors, the aim of this article is to conduct an in-depth analysis of the above-mentioned negotiations, to attempt to assess the approved budget, as well as to present the conclusions of these inquiries. The main stages of the development of the Multiannual Financial Framework for 2014–2020 negotiations constitute the basis of the considerations, with a special focus on the two tracks of determining the draft budget in the Council of the European Union. The author also analysed the positions of the Community actors involved in the negotiations: the European Commission, the Presidency of the Council of the EU, the Member States, and the European Parliament. Finally, an attempt to assess the approved project was made. The choice of analysed issues has been made on the premise of significance, while an attempt of evaluation was based on the criteria of legitimacy and efficiency.

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