scholarly journals EUROPEAN UNION AFTER THE CRISIS: DECLIN OR RENAISSANCE?

Author(s):  
O. V. Butorina

The second challenging period (after the «eurosclerosis» of the 70-th) in the history of European integration has been going on for eight years. Measures taken by the EU institutions prevented the disintegration of the euro area, but the crisis is not over. We distinguish its four main consequences for the integration: 1) growing federalization of the euro zone, 2) a switch from multi-speed to a two- or three-tier integration model, 3) economization of decision-making process in the euro area, and 4) clearer demarcation of borders within the EU and with its neighbours. The rotation in the ECB Governing Council that may start in 2015, is likely to consolidate the leadership of the "hard core" countries in the decisionmaking process. Further communitarization of the economic part of the EMU makes it more difficult for newcomers to join the euro area and practically closes this window of opportunity for the Great Britain. The crisis revealed the objective limits of EU enlargement, the accession of Turkey became hardly realistic, as well as the start of accession negotiations with Ukraine. The return to a sustainable development of the EU countries requires deep modernization of the European economy and society. However, the ways of this modernization has not been determined yet. It is clear that further accumulation of wealth and growing consumption cannot be a solution. The headline targets and indicators of the "Europe 2020" strategy will be implemented only partially. Modernization process will be hampered by the lack of funding for basic science, which occurred due to the end of the "cold war", as well as social factors whose role in the economic progress had been previously underestimated. Upgrading the EU integration strategy will be possible after the elections to the European Parliament and the appointment of the new Commission in 2014.

2014 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 49-68
Author(s):  
Aleksandra Čavoški

Although the implementation of the acquis is a crucial element of the EU integration process, it is recognised as its ‘weakest link’. The implementation deficit is especially apparent with the EU environmental acquis, both in the existing member states and the accession countries. Most recently, following the accession of Croatia, the EU faces prospective enlargement to other Western Balkans countries. The author argues that there are specific problems in implementing the environmental acquis in accession countries and that the case of Serbia, or other countries of the Western Balkans, is not particularly unique. The case study used to support this argument is the implementation of the waste acquis in Serbia as it represents a highly demanding and costly policy area for national authorities and the country faces extensive legal, institutional, economic and financial challenges in implementing the environmental acquis.


Author(s):  
Labinot Hajdari ◽  
Judita Krasniqi

AbstractThis article investigates the link between economic development and emigration from Kosovo between 2015 and 2020. The wider contexts to this study include the empirical and theoretical debates on migration as both an individual choice and a social decision. The recent history of emigration from Kosovo is analysed to understand how the past has influenced present migration patterns. This work aims to unpick the threads connecting economic development, the labour market, educational disparities, unemployment, and EU integration. Demographics, economics, and the political relationship between Kosovo and the EU have all affected emigration trends in Kosovo. In particular, this article examines the brain drain phenomenon and economic stability as two variables that permanently influence one another.


Author(s):  
Andreea Bucur

The European integration model has proven to be so far a successful one, with a high consideration from the other countries of the world and their attempts to replicate its components and to learn from its experience of regional integration is perhaps the most sincere form of appreciation. Contemporary global economy knows various other models of economic integration, but none of the existing forms of regional integration was not up to the achievements of the EU which is distinguished primarily by the stage reached and function and<br />its ability to create unity in the context of diversity. Irreversible process, and currently ongoing, and designed to produce positive results in perspective, the enlargement is one of the most significant factors of European construction success, always accompanying its history, marking the development, institutional structure, mode of cooperation and its policies. For these reasons, the present paper aims to approach the European integration model by the factors that influenced the enlargement and also by the course of events that are reflected in so-called “waves” of EU enlargement.


2014 ◽  
Vol 4 (2) ◽  
pp. 205
Author(s):  
MA. Bilbil Kastrati

After the end of the Cold War the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO) and the European Union (EU) enlargement were two main political processes in the European continent. Both organizations since their inception, promoted the idea of integrated Europe without borders, which meant creating a Europe without divisions and bringing back all Central Eastern European (CEE) countries into the European family where they belong. However, after half a century of isolation in the totalitarian communist system the CEE countries (CEEC) had to undertake fundamental institutional, political, economic, military and other reforms in order to join NATO and the EU. In order to ease the process of accession, both organizations set certain criteria for membership for the CEECs. While NATO’s requirements for membership were more general and flexible, the EU’s requirements, on the other hand, were non-negotiable and closely enforced.Therefore, this article will explore NATO’s and the EU’s enlargement process eastwards, its similarities and differences. In addition, it will analyse the difficulties and challenges with special focus on Russia’s opposition to this process.The author will identify the similarities and differences between NATO and the EU’s enlargement and will argue that the eastern enlargement marked the final end to the Cold War antagonism and it created conducive preconditions for more secure and prosperous Europe.


Author(s):  
Beáta Huszka ◽  
Zsolt Körtvélyesi

The enlargement policy of the European Union (EU) aims at integrating new members following an accession path. EU conditionality policy is a delicate balancing exercise between keeping the partner countries on the accession path and upholding fundamental values. Enlargement countries are now concentrated, with the exception of Turkey, in the Western Balkans. A key challenge is that the current leaderships in many of these states are shifting their countries increasingly in an authoritarian direction. The EU now faces a situation of establishing illiberal regimes in the region and so far seems to lack the willingness and the tools to engage and counter this. The chapter finds that human rights conditionality seems to allow for less-than-honest domestic compliance, where the EU’s requests are (mis)used to boost the power of domestic leadership. The stated principles of the EU can clash with the state’s actual performance for various reasons, including the prioritization of more direct economic interests or security goals. Conditionality tends to remain shallow as it is built on conditions that are easy to implement and measure but remain largely formal (for example, setting up an institution, adopting legislation). In the case of the Western Balkans, our research findings indicate that the enlargement process can result in favouring strong leaders who can deliver, even if the same ‘strength’ puts human rights compliance at risk. The greatest danger is that EU integration can end up legitimising the violation of human rights by the authorities.


Author(s):  
Desmond Dinan

This chapter focuses on the historical development of the European Union. The history of the EU began when European governments responded to a series of domestic, regional, and global challenges after the Second World War by establishing new transnational institutions in order to accelerate political and economic integration. These challenges ranged from post-war reconstruction, to the Cold War, and then to globalization. Driven largely by mutually compatible national interests, Franco-German bargains, and American influence, politicians responded by establishing the European communities in the 1950s and the EU in the 1990s. The chapter examines the Schuman Plan, the European Defence Community, the European Community, the Economic and Monetary Union (EMU), enlargement, constitution building, and the Eurozone crisis.


Author(s):  
Klaus Müller

With the advent of the Ukrainian crisis, the old repertoire of Cold War stereotypes is back. The uprising on Kiev’s Independence Square, a local event, has been framed as a clash of „European values“and the expansionary nature of a revived „Russian autocracy“.Ukraine’s autonomy seems in danger, the risk of a new great war is written on the wall. The history of Ukraine since independence tells a different story. From the very beginning the construction of a Ukrainian state has been captured by (post)communist elites which, transformed into oligarchic clans, dominate all layers of Ukrainian politics. Each turn, from the „Orange Revolution“ to the Maidan-protests, can be understood as oligarchic stratagems. The universal frustration of the population as well as (West-)Ukrainian nationalism serve as mobilization strategies in the struggle for state power. The EU and the U.S.have entered and escalated these infightings. The EU have been doing so by making illusionary promises of „Europeanization“, while the US tries to score another „Victory in the Cold War“, whose final trophy is waiting them in Moscow.


Author(s):  
S. Biryukov

The paper refers to the development of German-French relations in the context of the United Europe building process, examines historical and sociological background of their present-day condition. It contains the comparative analysis of the sources of discrepancies between German and French political strategies. The author also makes an attempt to analyze the role of these relations in the «German question» transformation. The study investigates the history of territorial evolution of Germany in the 19-20th centuries that prevented consolidation of citizens as well as structuring and creating of institutions. It is concluded that only the convergence of German and French approaches on European politics can help overcome the current crisis of the EU integration mechanisms. Two countries have established a new foundation for cooperation which puts an end to centuries of rivalry between them. But the convergence of their political and economic systems remains a promised task. The prospects of this partnership are considered in the light of Germany's new «European mission».


Politeja ◽  
2019 ◽  
Vol 15 (54) ◽  
pp. 17-43
Author(s):  
Józef M. Fiszer

Does Brexit Previously Revise the Lisbon Treaty and Rescue European Union?There is no doubt that Brexit is an unprecedented event in the history of European integration and in the history of the European Union (EU). It will certainly be a turning point not only in the history of the EU, but also in Europe, and will have an impact on their place and role in the new, emerging international order. Today it is very difficult to present an accurate diagnosis, and even more, difficult to predict the future of the EU, Europe, and the whole world after Brexit. The purpose of this article is an attempt to answer a few questions, especially on the question contained in its title and to present the opportunities and threat for the European Union after Brexit. In addition, the author is trying to answer the question whether, at all, today, nine years after the entry into force of the Treaty of Lisbon, its revision is needed? Does the EU really need a new treaty? Currently, opinions on this subject are divided among researchers and experts. Many also are afraid that Brexit will be the beginning of the end of the Union, that it will lead to the so‑called diversified integration and then to its disintegration. Others believe that the Brexit may become an accelerator of the European Union’s modernization process, which will, however, require the adoption of a new revision treaty.


2022 ◽  
Author(s):  
Céline Teney ◽  
Juan Deininger ◽  
Josefine Zurheide

We investigate the mindsets on the EU of students enrolled in a German university. We conducted an online survey among students of a German university (N=730) and asked them closed questions on the EU enlargement, the allocation of authority at the EU level, the way democracy works at the EU level and an open question on their wish for the future of the EU. We then ran a latent class analysis of the recoded answer categories from the open question and of our set of closed questions. Our three-class solution highlights variation in support of the EU among students. Indeed, while the vast majority of the respondents show highly supportive attitudes toward the EU, we can distinguish between “Integrationists” (in favour of pursuing the EU integration project; 68% of the sample), “Critical Europeanists” (supportive of the EU but dissatisfied with the way democracy works at the EU level; 20,50% of the sample) and “Pessimist Europeanists” (supportive of the EU but afraid of the implosion of the EU; 11% of the sample). A further analysis of the narratives provided by members of each class to the open question enables us to shed light on variation within each latent class. In particular, we find variation (1) in the dimensions and policies the EU should further integrate according to the Europeanists, (2) in the types of EU institutions to be further democratised and strategies to improve the democratisation of the EU regime according to the Critical Europeanists and (3) in strategies the EU should follow to avoid its implosion according to the Pessimist Europeanists. Our study highlights the importance of the use of non-standardised measures and mixed-methods data collection for grasping citizens´ mindset on the EU in its multidimensionality and complexity.


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