THE COMMUNIST PARTY AT THE TURN OF 1920-1930-IES.: BETWEEN THE GOVERNMENT AND THE SOCIETY (ON THE EXAMPLE OF THE ORYOL REGIONAL COMMITTEE OF THE CPSU (B))

2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 152-158
Author(s):  
A.Y. Saran ◽  
1985 ◽  
Vol 66 (3) ◽  
pp. 168-170
Author(s):  
G. A. Alekseev

Immediately after the outbreak of the Great Patriotic War, the Party and the Government of the country set a responsible task for the Chuvash Regional Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks and the Council of People's Commissars of the Chuvash ASSR - to organize 1 evacuation hospitals in the deep rear for the treatment of the wounded and sick.


2020 ◽  
Vol 53 (2) ◽  
pp. 93-112
Author(s):  
Indira Dupuis

In this article, I present the results of an analysis of print media reporting on the spectacular trial in 1984 against the murderers of Jerzy Popiełuszko in communist Poland. The aim of my research is to show how the coverage contributed to the de-legitimization of the Communist Party despite the mass media system's tight structures of control. Because of mass media functionality, the coverage of this event contributed to political transformation not only by publicizing a hitherto tabooed topic but also by establishing an initial point for informed public criticism of the government.


Author(s):  
Yuhua Wang ◽  
Bruce J. Dickson

Abstract Authoritarian leaders around the world often fight against corruption in an effort to win public support. Conventional wisdom holds that this strategy works because leaders can signal their benevolent intentions by removing corrupt officials. We argue that fighting against corruption can undermine regime support. By revealing scandals of corrupt officials, corruption investigations can alter citizens' beliefs about public officials and lead to disenchantment about political institutions. We test this argument by examining how China's current anti-corruption campaign has changed citizens' public support for the government and the Communist Party. We analyze the results of two original surveys conducted before and during the campaign, and employ a difference-in-differences strategy to show that corruption investigations, at the margin, suppress respondents' support for the central government and party. We also examine our respondents' prior and posterior beliefs, and the results support our updating mechanism.


2021 ◽  
Vol ahead-of-print (ahead-of-print) ◽  
Author(s):  
Youliang Yan ◽  
Xixiong Xu

Purpose The purpose of this paper is to investigate whether and how affiliation with the government-controlled business association, namely, China Federation of Industry and Commerce (CFIC), affects corporate philanthropy in an emerging market. Design/methodology/approach Through an analysis of survey data gathered from Chinese private firms, this paper conducts multiple regressions to examine the impact of the CFIC membership on corporate philanthropy. Findings Empirical results show that the CFIC membership of private entrepreneurs is significantly positively associated with corporate philanthropy. Moreover, this study finds that the provincial marketization level and the firm Communist Party branch attenuate the positive association between CFIC membership and corporate philanthropy, indicating that the effect of CFIC on corporate philanthropy is more pronounced in regions with lower marketization level and firms without Communist Party branch. The findings are robust to various alternate measures of corporate philanthropy and remain valid after controlling for potential endogeneity. Practical implications Firms will be more active in corporate philanthropy to respond to the government’s governance appeal when they join the CFIC. This highlights the implications of political connections and in particular on the value of government-controlled business associations in the Chinese business world. Originality/value This study extends the literature on the determinants of corporate philanthropy and deepens the theoretical understanding of the governance role of business association with Chinese characteristics.


2021 ◽  
Vol 17 (1) ◽  
pp. 377-423
Author(s):  
Slađana Josipović Batorek ◽  
Valentina Kezić

The Communist Party of Yugoslavia’s (CPY) rise to power in 1945 was followed by a period of fundamental socio-political changes that encompassed all aspects of life. In order to establish a complete political and ideological authority, the government attempted to suppress all elements which, in their view, were not aligned with the doctrine of the Communist Party. As a result, everything that was perceived as remnants of the old socio-political order was marginalised, such as religion, tradition and customs. Moreover, reinterpretation of the past also took place, as well as creation of new rituals and Tito’s cult of personality. Accordingly, a completely new calendar of official, state holidays was established, deprived of any national or religious tradition. One of those holidays was May Day, which was celebrated for two days and whose purpose, like most other holidays of that period, was to create uniqueness of feelings and actions in society, focusing on the working class, socialism, CPY, Yugoslavia and Josip Broz Tito. Besides, celebrations of major anniversaries and holidays, including May Day, presented an opportunity for transmission of ideological and political messages, most often articulated through numerous slogans which clearly defined the direction in which the society should move. The media played a key role in this process. Therefore, the central part of the paper consists of the analysis of newspaper articles from Glas Slavonije in order to understand its role in the implementation of those new political rituals and social values.


2002 ◽  
Vol 4 (3) ◽  
pp. 56-94 ◽  
Author(s):  
Olav Njølstad

From the late 1940s on, the United States did its best to prevent the Italian Communist Party (PCI)from gaining a role in the Italian government. When Jimmy Carter took office in Washington in 1977, the PCI once again was maneuvering for a share of power in Rome. Some observers in Italy speculated that the new U.S. administration would be less averse than its predecessors had been to the prospect of Communist participation in the Italian government. The Carter administration's initial statements and actions created further ambiguity and may have emboldened some senior PCI officials to step up their efforts to gain at least a share of power. Faced with the prospect that Communists would be invited into a coalition government in Italy, the Carter administration dropped its earlier caution and spoke out unequivocally against a “historic compromise” involving the PCI. Although it is difficult to say whether the more forceful U.S. stance made a decisive difference, the ruling Christian Democrats in Italy were able to keep the Communist Party out of the government.


2021 ◽  
pp. 191-194
Author(s):  
William Klinger ◽  
Denis Kuljiš

This chapter discusses Marshal Tito's plan to take the whole of the Balkans, which failed before it even started to materialize due to the disintegration of the Communist Party of Greece (KKE). It details how the KKE survived the repression carried out by dictator Ioannis Metaxas between 1936 and 1941 and fell apart completely in 1940, when Italy invaded Greece from Albanian soil. It also describes the faction of the Bulgarians that became dominant in the KKE when the German armies entered Greece after having overrun Yugoslavia in their Balkan onslaught. The chapter discusses how the Molotov–Ribbentrop Pact secured the position of the Bulgarian communists as collaborationists. It mentions Metodij Šatorov, a man installed into the Communist Party of Yugoslavia leadership for Macedonia by Georgi Dimitrov that detached the Skopje-based Regional Committee from the CPY and attached it to the Bulgarian Communist Party.


Author(s):  
Ewing Mahoney

This chapter explores the so-called civil service ‘purge procedure’ announced in 1948. The purge procedure is important because it both empowered and potentially contained MI5. It empowered MI5 not only in the sense that it required the collection and use of information about Communist Party members and sympathizers, but also in the sense that it enabled MI5 to make the assessments about who was to work and who was not, and to work where and in what circumstances. However, it potentially constrained MI5 in the sense that these assessments would now be the subject of scrutiny, albeit to a body of officials appointed by the government who would not pass any judicial test of independence. Nevertheless, by the appointment of the Three Advisers to scrutinize its operation, the Attlee government introduced what was to be MI5’s only direct accountability until 1985.


Author(s):  
Evgeniya V. Sartikova ◽  

The article discusses the main trends in the rotation of the executive (the first) secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party committee in 1921–1943. The study is based on the documents from the fund of the Kalmyk regional committee of the USSR Communist Party kept at the National Archive of the Republic of Kalmykia. The principles of objectivism and historicism were used for the analysis of the archive materials that allowed to examine the problem in its relation to the existing specific historical circumstances. The goal of the article is to investigate the body of the first secretaries of the Russian Communist Party — All-Russia Communist Party in Kalmykia. The use of the common in the historical research methods (the broadside examination of the archive sources, historical description, chronological method) allowed to investigate the historical phenomena in the close relation to the historical situation. The author concludes that the specific feature of the rotation of the first secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party committee was the appointment of people from other regions of the country to this position. Mainly these were formal representatives, supervisors recommended by the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party — All-Russia Communist Party for the positions of the first or second secretaries of the regional party committee. The analysis of the characteristics of the body of the first secretaries of the Kalmyk regional party in the given time period showed that all these people were from poor peasant families, without high education but with sufficient party service record who combined party and soviet activities.


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