The Political Representation of Women in the Soviet Union Compared to Modern-day Democratic Russia

2019 ◽  
Author(s):  
Bohdan Tyvodar
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Liberalization ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Soviet Russia

Over 25 years after Russia’s independence, Russia has established itself as one of the world’s most powerful countries, however, it seems to have forgotten about its women.  This study examines why women in the Soviet Union were more represented in political institutions, specifically in the national government, than women in modern-day, democratic Russia.  This study is timely and relevant because women’s political representation is an issue to which a lot of attention is devoted in the media and in academic literature.  This study investigates and compares women’s involvement in political institutions in the Soviet era compared to the post-Soviet, democratic era, a natural turning point in which we would logically expect growth rather than retraction of women’s political representation.  Period one encompasses women’s representation in political institutions of the Soviet Union from 1922-1991, with an emphasis on the Gorbachev era.  Meanwhile, period two encompasses women’s representation in political institutions of modern-day Russia, 1991 to today.  The research in this study indicates that the Marxist-Leninist ideology of the Soviet Union, the political liberalization started by the Soviet Union in the late 1980s and continued by Russia in the early to mid 1990s, and the rise of conservatism in post-Soviet Russia, are three important factors accounting for the increased gender imbalance in representation in the modern era.

Translation and Transformation: English-Language Children's Literature in (Soviet) Russian Guise

2015 ◽  
Vol 8 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-16 ◽  
Author(s):  
Judith Inggs
Keyword(s):  
Children's Literature ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
English Language ◽  
Children’S Literature ◽  
Socialist Realism ◽  
The Political ◽  
Philosophy Of Action ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Free Translation ◽  
Soviet Russia

This article investigates the perceived image of English-language children's literature in Soviet Russia. Framed by Even-Zohar's polysystem theory and Bourdieu's philosophy of action, the discussion takes into account the ideological constraints of the practice of translation and the manipulation of texts. Several factors involved in creating the perceived character of a body of literature are identified, such as the requirements of socialist realism, publishing practices in the Soviet Union, the tradition of free translation and accessibility in the translation of children's literature. This study explores these factors and, with reference to selected examples, illustrates how the political and sociological climate of translation in the Soviet Union influenced the translation practices and the field of translated children's literature, creating a particular image of English-language children's literature in (Soviet) Russia.

Seeing Women, Strengthening Democracy

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Magda Hinojosa ◽  
Miki Caul Kittilson
Keyword(s):  
Latin American ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Engagement ◽  
Political Support ◽  
Democratic Process ◽  
Gender Gaps ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
The Impact

How does the more equitable representation of women in positions of power affect male and female citizens? We argue that the election of women to political office—particularly where women’s presence is highly visible to the public—strengthens the connections between women and the democratic process. For women, seeing more “people like me” in politics changes attitudes and orientations toward the democratic process. Substantial variation persists across Latin America in gender gaps in political engagement and political support. To assess the effects that women’s officeholding has on these, we pair comparative survey data from Latin American countries with case study evidence from Uruguay. The Uruguayan case offers a unique laboratory for testing the impact of women’s representation in elected positions of power on political engagement and support. Our panel survey of Uruguayan citizens reveals that the expected gender gaps in political knowledge, political interest, and other forms of political engagement were alive and well six weeks before the elections. Yet, just six weeks following the election—after the use of a gender quota had led to a doubling of women’s representation in the Senate—those gender gaps had largely disappeared or had significantly waned. Our findings indicate that far-reaching gender gaps can be overcome by more equitable representation in our political institutions.

Dissent and Consent under State Socialism

1972 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 36-44
Author(s):  
David Lane
Keyword(s):  
Social Change ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
International Relations ◽  
Political Culture ◽  
Eastern Europe ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Diachronic Development ◽  
State Socialist

Professor Bauman's article is certainly a welcome contribution to the analysis of state socialist societies. He succeeds in breaking away from the myopic Kremlinological study of individuals and he also conducts his argument on a comparative sociological plane transcending the Sovietologist's ideographic viewpoint. However, he may be criticised at many points: it is very doubtful whether the state under capitalism is as ‘autonomous’ an institution as Bauman suggests; distinctions should be made between the socialist states of Eastern Europe, for what may be true of Poland and Rumania may not be true of the Soviet Union; international relations, particularly those between the U.S.S.R. and Eastern Europe and between East and West, have important effects on the political culture and significantly restrict the possibilities for social change; the diachronic development of the societies under consideration needs to be given more prominence, for what may have been the case in Soviet Russia in 1920 or in Poland in 1948 may not be so for either society in 1971. Here, I shall have to leave on one side such general criticisms to concentrate on a number of specific points in Bauman's argument relating to stratification in Eastern Europe which seem to me to be debatable.

scholarly journals Adrift in Turbulent Seas: The Political and Ideological Struggles of Ivan Kuz'mich Polozkov

1993 ◽  
pp. 40
Author(s):  
Jonathan Harris
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Communist Party ◽  
Unintended Consequences ◽  
Economic Conditions ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Organizations ◽  
Social Democratic ◽  
Party Leaders ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Soviet Russia

In the winter of 1989-90 the unintended consequences of Mikhail S. Gorbachev's program of political and economic refonn had become obvious to all but his most optimistic spokesmen. The General Secretary's attempt to create a new ideology of perestroika by grafting "bourgeois" and "social democratic" concepts onto the conventional ideology of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union (CPSU) had divided the party, created immense ideological confusion, and led to the formation of non-Communist and anti-Communist political organizations. The attempt to shift authority from party officials to elected soviets on the union and republican levels had led to the emergence of separatist and nationalist movements in many of the USSR's republics, including the RSFSR. The decentralization of the state's administration of the economy and the encouragement of both private and cooperative economic activity had failed to reverse the deterioration of economic conditions. As anxiety swept through the CPSU, orthodox party leaders called for the establishment of an autonomous Communist Party for the RSFSR to counter Gorbachev's policies and to "save Soviet Russia" from destruction.

“The Heroine of Post-Stalin Russia,” 1960–67

2020 ◽  
pp. 283-295
Author(s):  
Ann Jefferson
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
The Other ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Climate ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
Soviet Russia

This chapter discusses the new dimension that was added to Nathalie Sarraute's life when she renewed contact with Russia after the political climate in the Soviet Union has eased. It details her visit to Russia as a tourist to visit friends and reconnect links with surviving relatives whom she had not seen for twenty years. It also mentions that Nathalie's brief stay in Russia left her with two very different visions of her native country. The first was of a Soviet Russia bearing few signs of any relaxation despite Joseph Stallin's death, while the other vision was of a traditional and timeless Russia, which was vividly captured in a scene that she described to Claude Mauriac. The chapter concludes with a description of the Russian dimension of Nathalie's life that was once again a world of exiles and émigrés after her last visit to the Soviet Union in 1967.

scholarly journals Kekuatan Politik Perempuan dalam Organisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) di Kabupaten Gorontalo

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Dewi Walahe
Keyword(s):  
Political Parties ◽  
Implementation Process ◽  
Cultural Factor ◽  
The Political ◽  
Descriptive Data ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Patriarchal Culture ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Research Type

The purpose of this study is to know the political power of women in the organization of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Gorontalo District. The research method used is quantitative method, and research type is descriptive. Data collection using questionnaires, interviews, observation and documentation. The research informant is the leader of the PKS Party of Gorontalo district. The result of the research shows that 1) the representation of women in the governance of the PKS party in Gorontalo Regency has not been able to fulfill women's representation 30% in the management of political parties according to Law no. 2 Year 2008 Jo. Law no. 2 Year 2011 on Political Parties. 2) There are four factors that inhibit the fulfillment of 30% of women's representation until it is not fulfilled: First, from the normative point, the Law regulating it is Law no. 2 Year 2008 Jo. UU no. 2 Year 2011 on political parties is not effective in the implementation process. Second, the cultural factor, patriarchal culture, where is men have a higher position than women; third, the Political Party Factor itself. The party sometimes never gives women the opportunity to occupy strategic positions in party stewardship so women are sometimes overlooked; and fourth, the factor of the woman's personal. Indonesian women are still a lot of pessimists or feel afraid of themselves.

scholarly journals Sergey Rumyancev, Ускользающая современность: постсоветская модернизация Азербайджана / Vanishing Modernity: The Post-Soviet Modernization of Azerbaijan

2014 ◽  
Vol 2 (1-2) ◽  
pp. 136-147
Keyword(s):  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Rural Areas ◽  
Social Life ◽  
Political Regime ◽  
The Political ◽  
Modern State ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
History Of ◽  
Oil And Natural Gas

The article focuses on the debates situation of post-soviet modernization and transformation of Azerbaijan. The Azerbaijani economy failed to become a market economy, and remains instead predominantly based on the extraction and sale of oil and natural gas. Cities are being ruralised instead of the urbanization of rural areas. In its turn, industrialization ended together with the Soviet Union. A more or less tangible individualization and fragmentation of social life are not part of the history of post-Soviet Azerbaijan either. The political and economic systems of Azerbaijan are an imitation of a modern state. It is an example of a simulacrum state and a total imitation of modern political institutions and relations. In other words: The political regime in Azerbaijan is a complex of imitative practices, relations and “institutional camouflages” that enable a broad international presentation of Azerbaijan, effectively privatized by a small group of people, as a modern state that exists in reality.

Gender and Representation in Latin America

2018 ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Latin America ◽  
Gender Equality ◽  
Latin American ◽  
Gender Inequality ◽  
Political Institutions ◽  
Political Representation ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Political Crises ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
And Gender

In the past thirty years, women’s representation and gender equality has developed unevenly in Latin America. Some countries have experienced large increases in gender equality in political offices, whereas others have not, and even within countries, some political arenas have become more gender equal whereas others continue to exude intense gender inequality. These patterns are inconsistent with explanations of social and cultural improvements in gender equality leading to improved gender equality in political office. Gender and Representation in Latin America argues instead that gender inequality in political representation in Latin America is rooted in institutions and the democratic challenges and political crises facing Latin American countries and that these challenges matter for the number of women and men elected to office, what they do once there, how much power they gain access to, and how their presence and actions influence democracy and society more broadly. The book draws upon the expertise of top scholars of women, gender, and political institutions in Latin America to analyze the institutional and contextual causes and consequences of women’s representation in Latin America. It does this in part I with chapters that analyze gender and political representation regionwide in each of five different “arenas of representation”—the presidency, cabinets, national legislatures, political parties, and subnational governments. In part II, it provides chapters that analyze gender and representation in each of seven different countries—Argentina, Chile, Costa Rica, Uruguay, Mexico, Brazil, and Colombia. The authors bring novel insights and impressive new data to their analyses, helping to make this one of the most comprehensive books on gender and political representation in Latin America today.

scholarly journals KETERWAKILAN PEREMPUAN DALAM DEWAN PERWAKILAN RAKYAT DAERAH

2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Isnaini Rodiyah
Keyword(s):  
Political System ◽  
The Political ◽  
Women's Representation ◽  
Political Sphere ◽  
Representation Of Women ◽  
Members Of Parliament ◽  
Women’S Representation ◽  
Women Participation

Representation of women in the political sphere can be interpreted as a form of participation in opening that the resulting policy will include the interests of all parties, whether at the local, national, and international levels. In the process of democratic issues, larger women participation, representation, and accountability are absolute prerequisites for the realization of a meaningful democracy. But in fact, in the district of Sidoarjo there is still women's lack of access making it difficult for women to show that their interests are not accommodated in the political system. This was marked by the lack (not quotas) of women representation as members of parliament in Sidoarjo. This paper is also intended to study the participation, quality, and responsibility of women's representation in the political sphere.

The Limits of Forced Economic Growth in the USSR

1964 ◽  
Vol 16 (3) ◽  
pp. 407-417
Author(s):  
Leon M. Herman
Keyword(s):  
Economic Growth ◽  
Soviet Union ◽  
Political Elite ◽  
The Political ◽  
Rapid Rise ◽  
Economic Output ◽  
The Soviet Union ◽  
International Power ◽  
Soviet Russia ◽  
Power Position

Official economic doctrine in the Soviet Union continues to hold fast to the view that growth conquers everything. A rapid rise in the level of economic output remains the magic key to the solution of all problems facing the Soviet Union, large and small alike. First of all, of course, economic growth at the highest possible rate remains an indispensable goal, in the official viewpoint, if the USSR is to be assured a firm position in the forefront of major world powers. There was surely no doubt in Stalin's mind that only a forced pace of growth in the economic capabilities of the Soviet state could prevent a dangerous backward drift in the international power position of Soviet Russia. This theme, as we know, was utilized by the former dictator to the hilt in his fierce drive to mobilize the physical and human resources of his country, and to motivate the political elite, for an all-out campaign against the strategic threat to the survival of the state that he considered to be inherent in economic backwardness.

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