scholarly journals Kekuatan Politik Perempuan dalam Organisasi Partai Keadilan Sejahtera (PKS) di Kabupaten Gorontalo

2018 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 1
Author(s):  
Dewi Walahe

The purpose of this study is to know the political power of women in the organization of Prosperous Justice Party (PKS) in Gorontalo District. The research method used is quantitative method, and research type is descriptive. Data collection using questionnaires, interviews, observation and documentation. The research informant is the leader of the PKS Party of Gorontalo district. The result of the research shows that 1) the representation of women in the governance of the PKS party in Gorontalo Regency has not been able to fulfill women's representation 30% in the management of political parties according to Law no. 2 Year 2008 Jo. Law no. 2 Year 2011 on Political Parties. 2) There are four factors that inhibit the fulfillment of 30% of women's representation until it is not fulfilled: First, from the normative point, the Law regulating it is Law no. 2 Year 2008 Jo. UU no. 2 Year 2011 on political parties is not effective in the implementation process. Second, the cultural factor, patriarchal culture, where is men have a higher position than women; third, the Political Party Factor itself. The party sometimes never gives women the opportunity to occupy strategic positions in party stewardship so women are sometimes overlooked; and fourth, the factor of the woman's personal. Indonesian women are still a lot of pessimists or feel afraid of themselves.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 24-29
Author(s):  
Rasyidin ◽  
Fidhia Aruni

This study aims to deeply see the representation of women in politics in the 2019 general election in Indonesia because women's participation in politics was still very limited. Based on this phenomenon, the Indonesian government has made Affirmative Action as a foundation for women in politics. The results showed that Affirmative Action could not yet be realized and the involvement of women in representative institutions at least 30% have not been fulfilled under affirmative action. From all the political contestants, only the Partai Nasional Demokrat has fulfilled the quota. The findings of this study indicated that patriarchal culture was still an obstacle to women's representation in Indonesian Representative institutions in addition to the Shari'a and other cultures.


2016 ◽  
Vol 1 (1) ◽  
pp. 55
Author(s):  
Isnaini Rodiyah

Representation of women in the political sphere can be interpreted as a form of participation in opening that the resulting policy will include the interests of all parties, whether at the local, national, and international levels. In the process of democratic issues, larger women participation, representation, and accountability are absolute prerequisites for the realization of a meaningful democracy. But in fact, in the district of Sidoarjo there is still women's lack of access making it difficult for women to show that their interests are not accommodated in the political system. This was marked by the lack (not quotas) of women representation as members of parliament in Sidoarjo. This paper is also intended to study the participation, quality, and responsibility of women's representation in the political sphere.


Author(s):  
Bohdan Tyvodar

Over 25 years after Russia’s independence, Russia has established itself as one of the world’s most powerful countries, however, it seems to have forgotten about its women.  This study examines why women in the Soviet Union were more represented in political institutions, specifically in the national government, than women in modern-day, democratic Russia.  This study is timely and relevant because women’s political representation is an issue to which a lot of attention is devoted in the media and in academic literature.  This study investigates and compares women’s involvement in political institutions in the Soviet era compared to the post-Soviet, democratic era, a natural turning point in which we would logically expect growth rather than retraction of women’s political representation.  Period one encompasses women’s representation in political institutions of the Soviet Union from 1922-1991, with an emphasis on the Gorbachev era.  Meanwhile, period two encompasses women’s representation in political institutions of modern-day Russia, 1991 to today.  The research in this study indicates that the Marxist-Leninist ideology of the Soviet Union, the political liberalization started by the Soviet Union in the late 1980s and continued by Russia in the early to mid 1990s, and the rise of conservatism in post-Soviet Russia, are three important factors accounting for the increased gender imbalance in representation in the modern era.


2019 ◽  
Vol 24 (2) ◽  
pp. 151
Author(s):  
Andi Misbahul Pratiwi

<pre>Political parties play an important role as a gateway to women's representation. In political party the entire battle to win seats in parliament occurs. Therefore, the policies, practices and politics in the political party determine the face of women's representation in parliament. This study focuses on policy, practice and politics in political parties in the context of encouraging women's representation in regency/city-level legislative council in Indonesia. This research explores the strategy experience and challenges faced by women legislative members in regency/city-level legislative council for the 2014-2019 period of the four parties that passed to parliament in the 2014 elections, namely PDIP, Golkar, Gerindra and one Islamic party, PPP. Data collection was carried out through in-depth interviews, focus group discussion and document review of articles of association/bylaws (AD/ART) of political parties. The results showed that 1) AD/ART of a number of political parties has adopted a 30% quota affirmative policy for party management structures and the formation of women’s party wing organizations; 2) the practices of affirmative action policies in the process of recruitment, candidacy and political campaigns have not yet fully adopted the ideology of gender mainstreaming; knowledge, programs and decisions of political parties as well as competition between legislative candidates in competing for votes are still gender biased, thus detrimental to women’s political agenda; 3) Parliamentary women experience psychological violence and intimidation in pushing the political agenda of women in parliament - rooted in patriarchal ideology, while the women’s wing have not standing for women’s agenda.</pre>


Author(s):  
Magda Hinojosa ◽  
Miki Caul Kittilson

How does the more equitable representation of women in positions of power affect male and female citizens? We argue that the election of women to political office—particularly where women’s presence is highly visible to the public—strengthens the connections between women and the democratic process. For women, seeing more “people like me” in politics changes attitudes and orientations toward the democratic process. Substantial variation persists across Latin America in gender gaps in political engagement and political support. To assess the effects that women’s officeholding has on these, we pair comparative survey data from Latin American countries with case study evidence from Uruguay. The Uruguayan case offers a unique laboratory for testing the impact of women’s representation in elected positions of power on political engagement and support. Our panel survey of Uruguayan citizens reveals that the expected gender gaps in political knowledge, political interest, and other forms of political engagement were alive and well six weeks before the elections. Yet, just six weeks following the election—after the use of a gender quota had led to a doubling of women’s representation in the Senate—those gender gaps had largely disappeared or had significantly waned. Our findings indicate that far-reaching gender gaps can be overcome by more equitable representation in our political institutions.


2014 ◽  
Vol 47 (1) ◽  
pp. 1-11 ◽  
Author(s):  
Frances Millard

Poland maintained its open-list PR system but introduced gender quotas in the 2011 parliamentary elections in order to increase the number of women deputies. Yet this change had only a limited impact on women’s representation. The 2011 election confirms that ‘favorable’ electoral laws provide opportunities for women, but they cannot guarantee that women will be elected. In particular, the use of quotas alone is not sufficient to ensure high levels of women’s representation. The most important factors in explaining the Polish result were 1) the absence of a ‘zipper’, a list ordering that alternates men and women candidates, thus ensuring high list-places for women 2) the parties’ favoring of men in their list placement 3) the relative size of the political parties and 4) voters’ support for list leaders and incumbent deputies. Despite a disappointing outcome, quotas may be seen as beneficial in increasing women’s presence and the potential for further evolution of the electoral system.


2019 ◽  
Vol 14 (1) ◽  
pp. 75-83
Author(s):  
Ana Sabhana Azmy ◽  
Isnaini Anis Farhah

Abstract.This research investigates the problems of political parties in meeting the quota of women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency for the period 2014-2019. The objectives of this research are to know the importance of women’s representation and to analyze the barriers that caused difficulties for political parties to fulfill women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency for the period 2014-2019. Method that used in this research is qualitative research with documentation and interview as the data collection technique. Theories used in this research are political party theories by Larry Diamond and women's representation by Anne Phillips and Nadezhda Shvedova. The research found two findings. First,  women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency is strongly important.  Due to the presence of women in Parliament of Lebak Regency can bring women’s interests in politics. Second, the importance of women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency is not supported by a quota of women’s representation in Parliament of Lebak Regency at which only 14%. There are three barriers that caused difficulties for political parties to fulfill women’s representation quota in Parliament of Lebak Regency for the period 2014-2019, namely political barriers, socio-economics barriers, and ideological and psychological barriers.  Abstrak. Penelitian ini membahas tentang problematika partai politik dalam memenuhi kuota keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak periode 2014-2019. Tujuan penelitian ini adalah untuk mengetahui pentingnya representasi keterwakilan perempuan dan menganalisis kendala-kendala yang menyebabkan partai politik sulit memenuhi keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak periode 2014-2019. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah metode penelitian kualitatif dengan teknik pengumpulan data yaitu studi dokumentasi dan wawancara. Teori yang digunakan adalah teori partai politik dari Larry Diamond dan teori keterwakilan perempuan dari Anne Philips dan Nadezhda Svedova. Hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa, pertama, representasi keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak sangat penting. Hal ini karena dengan hadirnya perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak dapat membawa kepentingan-kepentingan perempuan dalam politik. Kedua, pentingnya representasi perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak tidak didukung dengan kuota keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak yakni hanya 14%. Ada tiga kendala yang menyebabkan partai politik sulit untuk memenuhi kuota keterwakilan perempuan di DPRD Kabupaten Lebak periode 2014-2019 yaitu kendala politik, kendala sosio-ekonomi, serta kendala ideologis dan psikologis. 


Author(s):  
Ardhana Ulfa Azis ◽  
Mia Siscawati

The implementation of affirmative quota policies by political structures, especially political parties as one of the elements of the political infrastructure, has provided the widest possible opportunity for women to be directly involved in the political process, such as becoming members of parliament to carry out over sight, budgeting, and legislative functions: the making and policymaking and political decisions. This research examines how women in the family path of the 2019’s election results, on the one hand, their faces are seen as political representatives of women in parliament, but on the other hand, they are also seen as representatives of the interests of party oligarchy in parliament. We explored the filling of affirmative quotas for female parliamentary candidates from the family line by political parties which allowed us to identify women parliamentarians from the family line as having two faces, namely as women's political representatives as well as party political representatives. In a stronger party oligarchy, we argue that filling the affirmative quota of female parliamentary candidates from the family line apart from being urged by the affirmative quota policy for 30%women's political representation, is also motivated by the interests of party oligarchy. We adopt the thoughts of Anne Phillips (1991) about the politics of presence which sees that women's representation in parliament starts from the number, not from the policies they produce.


2020 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 46-53
Author(s):  
Akhlish Fuadi ◽  
Redyanto Noor

Tujuan penelitian ini mendeskripsikan representasi perempuan pada grafiti di bak truk serta mengungkapkan konstruksi perempuan berdasarkan grafiti di bak truk. Metode penelitian ini menggunakan observasi dan bahan visual penelusuran data online. Penelitian ini adalah penelitian kualitatif yang material dan datanya diperoleh dari sumber tertulis, terkait dengan objek penelitian yang diambil di lapangan. Studi ini berfokus pada grafiti seperti truk di Pantura, Semarang-Demak-Kudus. Fokus penelitian ini adalah truk mirip grafiti yang terkait dengan perempuan dan elemen perempuan. Grafiti seperti truk bisa dalam bentuk gambar, tulisan, atau gambar dan tulisan dalam bahasa Indonesia atau Jawa. Hasil penelitian ini berupa stereotip wanita. Pertama, representasi perempuan sebagai tujuan cinta atau demi cinta. Kedua, hasilnya adalah sebagai sosok yang terkait dengan maskulinitas. Ketiga, hasilnya adalah wanita ideal dan ideal. Keempat, hasilnya identik dengan menyembunyikan perasaan sehingga diklasifikasikan sebagai karakteristik psikologis. Kelima, hasilnya adalah wanita yang berbahaya. Keenam, hasilnya diilustrasikan di atas jika dibaca terus menerus, maka akan menimbulkan gejala panoptikon, yaitu menjadi pengawas atau kontrol yang membacanya. Manfaat penelitian ini dapat memberikan pemahaman kepada pembaca terhadap representasi perempuan yang ada di bak truk. Selain itu dapat memberikan pemahaman dan penjelasan antara grafiti bak truk yang bertema perempuan dengan kondisi sosial masyarakat tertentu, kehidupan seseorang, dan konflik-konflik social.   The purpose of this study is to describe the women’s representation in the tailgate and reveal the construction of women based on the tailgate. This research method uses observation data and online visual search material. This research is a qualitative research whose material and data are obtained from written sources, related to the object of research taken in the field. This study focused on truck-like graffiti in the Semarang-Demak-Kudus section of Pantura. The focus of this research is graffiti like trucks related to women and women's elements. Truck-like graffiti can be in the form of pictures, writing, or pictures and writing in Indonesian or Javanese. The results of this study are in the form of female stereotyping. First, the representation of women as the goal of love or for the sake of love. Second, the result is as a figure related to masculinity. Third, the result is as ideal and ideal women. Fourth, the results are identical to harboring feelings so that they are classified as psychological characteristics. Fifth, the result is as dangerous women. Sixth, the results are illustrated above if read continuously, it will cause panoptikon symptoms, namely to become supervisors or controls who read it. The benefits of this research can give readers an understanding of the women’s representation in the tailgate. In addition, it can provide understanding and explanation between truck-themed graffiti with women's themes and certain social conditions, people's lives, and social conflicts.


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