scholarly journals When FIFA Rules the World: Hegemoni FIFA Terhadap Indonesia Dalam Kasus Pembekuan PSSI 2015-2016

2018 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 103
Author(s):  
Arry Bainus ◽  
Rusadi Kantaprawira ◽  
Indra Kusumawardhana

The bitter sanctions against the Indonesian Football Association (PSSI) by the Fédération Internationale de Football Association (FIFA) in 2015-2016 revealed an irritate reality regarding how weak the position of the state is; when dealing with organizations that are considered as representations of global institutions in the world of football. Therefore, Indonesia's powerlessness has made the question why the state is powerless before FIFA as an international organization finds its importance. Using the Coxian approach to understand the World Orders, this article argues that this condition due to the FIFA’s hegemony which supported by three main aspects, namely; first, the idea of football which is a populist sport, must be separated from the political intervention of state power. Second, FIFA's material capacity has made football as a sport with high economic value, even in Indonesia itself. Finally, supported by the previous two aspects, the governance of FIFA institutions has gripped various regions of the world, so that it has created sovereignty in the world of football. Using critical analysis, the intellectual work of this paper does not only intend to improvise in the selection of topics but also presents alternative narratives in the contemporary constellation of contemporary international relations studies.

Author(s):  
Michael P. DeJonge

This chapter continues the examination of Bonhoeffer’s first phase of resistance through an exposition of “The Church and the Jewish Question,” turning now to the modes of resistance proper to the church’s preaching office. Because such resistance involves the church speaking against the state, it appears to stand in contradiction with Bonhoeffer’s suggestion earlier in the essay that the church should not speak out against the state. This is in fact not a contradiction but rather the coherent expression of the political vision as outlined in the first several chapters of this book, which requires that the church criticize the state under certain circumstances but not others. The specific form of word examined here is the indirectly political word (type 3 resistance) by which the church reminds the messianic state of its mandate to preserve the world with neither “too little” nor “too much” order.


Author(s):  
Sean Fleming

States are commonly blamed for wars, called on to apologize, held liable for debts and reparations, bound by treaties, and punished with sanctions. But what does it mean to hold a state responsible as opposed to a government, a nation, or an individual leader? Under what circumstances should we assign responsibility to states rather than individuals? This book demystifies the phenomenon of state responsibility and explains why it is a challenging yet indispensable part of modern politics. Taking Thomas Hobbes' theory of the state as a starting point, the book presents a theory of state responsibility that sheds new light on sovereign debt, historical reparations, treaty obligations, and economic sanctions. Along the way, it overturns longstanding interpretations of Hobbes' political thought, explores how new technologies will alter the practice of state responsibility as we know it, and develops new accounts of political authority, representation, and legitimacy. The book argues that Hobbes' idea of the state offers a far richer and more realistic conception of state responsibility than the theories prevalent today and demonstrates that Hobbes' Leviathan is much more than an anthropomorphic “artificial man.” The book is essential reading for political theorists, scholars of international relations, international lawyers, and philosophers. It recovers a forgotten understanding of state personality in Hobbes' thought and shows how to apply it to the world of imperfect states in which we live.


2016 ◽  
Vol 34 (2) ◽  
pp. 119-149
Author(s):  
Damien Mahiet

Despite the lively scholarly debate on the place of The Sleeping Beauty (1890) in the political and cultural history of the Franco-Russian alliance in the 1890s, the representation of international relations in the first production of The Nutcracker (1892) has so far received little attention. This representation includes the well-known series of character dances in the second act of the ballet, but also the use of French fashion from the revolutionary era to costume the party guests, the mechanical dolls, the toy soldiers, and even Prince Nutcracker. The fairy-tale world offered a frame that not only promoted the absolutist aspirations of Alexander III's regime, but also solved the symbolic challenge of a problematic alliance between republican France and tsarist Russia. The same visual repertoire informed diplomatic life: four years after The Nutcracker, in 1896, the décor for the state visit of Nicholas II and Alexandra Feodorovna in France duplicated that of the fairy-tale world on stage.


Author(s):  
Anna М. Solarz

The 2015 immigration crisis revealed the weak cultural condition Europe finds itself in, given the adoption by a majority of states of a model for development that deliberately severs ties with common civilisational roots. However, while Poles do not really nurture prejudices against either Islam or immigrants, a decided majority of them voiced their unwillingness to accept new (mainly Muslim) arrivals, in the context of a solution to the above crisis the EU was intending to impose. A change of policy was thus forced upon the Union by Poland and other CEECs, given the latter’s strong guiding conviction that pursuit of a multicultural ideology leads to a weakening – rather than any improvement – in the condition of culture in Europe, and hence to a sapping of the continent’s power in the international relations sphere. As the crisis has made clear, the EU will probably have to start taking more account of preferences in this part of Europe. This means opportunities for the political science of religion to research the likelihood of a return to the Christian component of European identity, as well as the role this might play in improving the cultural condition of this part of the world.


Author(s):  
Paul Broda

Among the hundreds of Austrian refugees who arrived in Britain in 1938 after Hitler annexed Austria was the author's father, Engelbert Broda, who shortly afterwards was joined by his wife Hildegard. Engelbert Broda later made contact with the Society for the Protection of Science and Learning (SPSL), and it was through Esther Simpson, the long-time Secretary of the SPSL, that Charles Goodeve took him on to work on visual purple (rhodopsin), a vital component of the human retina. This chapter presents a selection of letters between Esther Simpson and Engelbert Broda. The extracts given here relate to the foundation of the Academic Assistance Council, Esther Simpson's beliefs, Engelbert Broda's memories much later of what her help had meant to him personally, and the state of the world. Other regular topics are their work, her musical activities, and the comings and goings of mutual friends including L. Kowarski, J. Guéron, and O. R. Frisch, all of whom they knew from Cambridge days. The emphasis in this selection is in representing Esther Simpson's own attitudes and achievements in her own words.


Author(s):  
Ralph Pettman

International relations (IR) is widely accepted as an academic discipline in its own right, despite the many subdisciplines which hold it together. These disparate subdisciplines, in fact, have come to define international relations as a whole. Establishing systematic matrices that describe and explain the discipline as a whole can show how the subdisciplines that constitute international relations have sufficient coherence to allow us to say that there is a discipline there. To look at the discipline otherwise would be viewing it as a mere collection of insights taken from other disciplines—in short, international relations could not be defined as a discipline at all. Such an argument forms a more heterodox view of international relations—one which does not attempt to engage with traditional debates about what constitutes the subject’s core as compared with its periphery. The “old” international relations was largely confined to politico-strategic issues to do with military strategy and diplomacy; that is, to discussions of peace and war, international organization, international governance, and international law. It was about states and the state system and little more. By contrast the “new” international relations is an all-inclusive account of how the world works. The underlying coherence of this account makes it possible to provide more comprehensive and more nuanced explanations of international relations.


2000 ◽  
Vol 26 (2) ◽  
pp. 321-325 ◽  
Author(s):  
CAROLYN M. WARNER

The political scientist who relies upon historiographic sources to propose and test hypotheses runs the risk of riling up not only her peers in the discipline, but also the historians upon whose work she must rely to provide the materials for these hypotheses. It was intellectually satisfying and stimulating to learn that my work has been read not only by scholars in ‘my’ discipline, but also by those in the discipline which made my own analysis possible, and I am grateful for Professor Hopkins' extensive comments. As Hopkins notes, there are differences in the orientation of the two disciplines: political science has as one of its central concerns ‘the state’, while historians are more interested ‘in charting changing relativities in international relations’. As a political scientist, I am indeed interested in identifying the factors which lead to such changes.


Author(s):  
Адибекян ◽  
Oganes Adibekyan

Strengthening of world nations merging together within existing states happens along withthe formation of ethnic groups. These foreign parts of nations form for various reasons, but independently the associations of members of these groups have to be in a relationship with a native country as well as with the citizens of their country of resettlement. Self-governing bodies of the Diaspora, authorities of native state and of the state of residence form a triangular system, where each side holds friendliness, or hostility, or indifference. Three components with three different attitudes form different combinations, knowledge and consideration of which in certain cases obtain political significance. Some views are independent of those parties. Some are managed, generated. They are affected by international relations in the world. Variability may Not be excluded. All this is a subject for clarification in specific studies of selected nations and their diaspora, selected countries. The fundamental consideration of the positions of the Diaspora inbetween the authorities of the two countries ismethodologically valuable.


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