The impact of the domino political phenomenon in the Latin continent and its role in the Palestinian issue

Author(s):  
Thair Taher Fadil

The study deals with a political phenomenon that has an impact on international relations and the political dealing based on the interrelated interests that would affect the issue of an international bloc. The influence of this phenomenon is so important in gaining the support of international blocs to the question of Palestine, in addition to the possibility of investing this phenomenon for the interests of the Arab League, namely the phenomenon of political domino effect in the diplomacy and dealing political of Latin American countries to support the Palestinian issue. The Latin American countries have played an important role in the emergence of the Zionist entity and voted for it in the General Assembly of the United Nations and in international forums for the period 1947-1973. After that they began to vote for Palestine in international forums and the General Assembly, so we will explore the causes of this political and diplomatic transformation of the Latin continent after 1973 for  Palestinian issue and abandonment the vote for the Zionist entity. and we will discuss the impact of political domino as a tool in changing positions of most countries of the continent in favor of the Arabs and the abandonment of the Zionist entity. The countries of the continent lined up behind Brazil, under the influence of political domino, where sided with the Arab states when the Arabs used the oil strategy as a weapon in the battle in 1973, Where Iraq and Saudi Arabia alternated between 1976 and 1984 in the second and third ranks of the total Brazilian imports

1980 ◽  
Vol 50 (4) ◽  
pp. 481-495 ◽  
Author(s):  
Robert Halpern

Robert Halpern examines the role played by early childhood education programs in the development efforts of several Latin American countries. He presents a brief historical overview of these programs, and then describes and assesses the impact of several types of programs currently in operation. Outlining some of the political and policy issues that underlie early childhood education, he offers recommendations for improving its effectiveness as a vehicle for development.


Author(s):  
Kathleen Bruhn

Modern representative democracy cannot function without political parties, however rudimentary. Parties in turn cannot function without money. The subject of party finance is therefore central to the construction of contemporary democracies. Latin American countries have attempted to meet the challenges of preserving democracy while providing for political parties across three main areas of financial regulation: provision of public finance, regulation of private finance, and limiting campaign spending. In all three areas, transparency (reporting), oversight, and enforcement of existing legal regulations remain important problems for the health of the political system. In the late 20th century, Latin American countries increasingly turned to public finance as a way of supplementing existing systems of private contributions. This trend seems to have been inspired both by a desire to reduce the inequalities inherent in Latin America’s socioeconomic structure and by efforts to contain and prevent episodes of scandal and undue influence generated by private contributors. Public finance particularly benefits small parties and parties with fewer connections to the wealthy sectors that tend to dominate private contributions. Public finance may contribute to the institutionalization of both party organizations and party systems, but it may also weaken the dependence of parties on their members and supporters in ways that undermine representation. Private finance in Latin America remains largely obscure. We know that relatively few private donors account for the lion’s share of party donations, but it is unclear in many cases exactly who donates, or what their money buys. It is therefore difficult for voters (and analysts) to determine the structure of party obligations to donors and to hold parties accountable. Partly as a result, drug money is believed to have penetrated the political systems of many Latin American countries, especially but not exclusively at the local level. Campaign spending limits, including limits on the duration of campaigns and campaign advertising, have been employed in some cases to try to contain costs and thus reduce the incentives of parties to seek out private donations, especially of questionable origin. Lax enforcement, however, limits the impact of these initiatives.


2017 ◽  
Vol 25 (63) ◽  
pp. 3-25
Author(s):  
Regina Carla Madalozzo ◽  
Afonso Mariutti Chebib

Abstract Analyzing the “left” and “right” political positions of individuals is challenging because personal attributes may influence political decisions without directly causing them. This issue may be even more pronounced in Latin America, where young democracies encounter the challenge of stabilizing political choices over time. This study contributes to the literature by analyzing the influence of personal attributes on political choices, focusing on the early 2000s, when the “left” turn occurred. The present study relies on the World Values Survey's fifth wave (2005-2008) to fulfil this objective. This dataset is composed of data that have been collected globally, and the questions are related to diverse subjects associated with the quality of life of individuals. From the available sample, we included all of the Latin American countries that participated in this wave: Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, Mexico, Peru, and Uruguay. In this study, the aim is to directly understand the impact of these individuals own attributes on their declared self-positioning about the political leaning. To this aim, an ordered logit model was used to analyse how each variable exerts influence on the political leaning of the respondents. Our results found that political cleavages depend on demographic factors, economic factors, and individual opinions in agreement with previous studies. Increased age, religious service attendance, and satisfaction with one's financial life increase the tendency of individuals for self-positioning to the right of the political spectrum. The possession of a university degree and residence in a large city increases the likelihood of individuals of self-identifying with a leftist political position. This study contributes to the literature by analysing the influence of personal attributes on political choices. Although this research represents an important step toward understanding political leanings in Latin American countries, a significant amount of future research remains. The definitions of “left” and “right” continue to be unclear as they relate to dimensions that include democracy, autocracy, and political reform. Understanding the ways individuals set up their choices would increase the responsibility of political parties and authorities for the hidden claim the population has about their deliverables. At the same time, studies like ours may enhance the awareness of the general impression over political party choices of candidates. Finally, even with so many confounding aspects in this antagonist position, the left and the right continue to be a simple way to characterize veiled assumptions. Therefore, it may be an ambiguous form of defining choices, but this seemingly binary choice is still very significant for voters in Latin America.


1953 ◽  
Vol 7 (2) ◽  
pp. 281-281

The Political Committee of the Arab League met in Cairo beginning December 20, 1952, under the chairmanship of Fathy Radwan (Egypt) to discuss questions relating to Palestine and north Africa. On December 25, the committee issued a statement approving the failure of passage in the United Nations General Assembly of the resolution adopted by the Ad Hoc Political Committee calling for direct negotiations between Israel and the Arab states. The committee condemned “the mere idea of an invitation to Arabs to negotiate with the Israelis” and expressed the hope “that there would be no repetition of these attempts”.


1994 ◽  
Vol 24 (97) ◽  
pp. 549-561
Author(s):  
Norbert Lechner

The article investigates the effects of extensive enforcement of the market society on the pattems of politics in the example of the Latin American countries. The institutionalized politics as well as the »political« (the symbolic representations of the collective order) undergo a transformation, during which the context and the meaning of democracy is changed. Instead of politics being trapped within the mere market logic and only reacting to challenges, a policy which tries toregulate social processes with the aim of a collective order for the collectivity is necessary.


2008 ◽  
Vol 55 (3) ◽  
pp. 279-308
Author(s):  
Jean-Pierre Allegret ◽  
Alain Sand-Zantman

This paper assesses the monetary consequences of the Latin-American integration process. Over the period 1991-2007, we analyze a sample of five Latin-American countries focusing on the feasibility of a monetary union between L.A. economies. To this end, we study the issue of business cycle synchronization with the occurrence of common shocks. First, we assess the international disturbances influence on the domestic business cycles. Second, we analyze the impact of the adoption of different exchange rate regimes on the countries' responses to shocks. .


Author(s):  
Anna М. Solarz

The 2015 immigration crisis revealed the weak cultural condition Europe finds itself in, given the adoption by a majority of states of a model for development that deliberately severs ties with common civilisational roots. However, while Poles do not really nurture prejudices against either Islam or immigrants, a decided majority of them voiced their unwillingness to accept new (mainly Muslim) arrivals, in the context of a solution to the above crisis the EU was intending to impose. A change of policy was thus forced upon the Union by Poland and other CEECs, given the latter’s strong guiding conviction that pursuit of a multicultural ideology leads to a weakening – rather than any improvement – in the condition of culture in Europe, and hence to a sapping of the continent’s power in the international relations sphere. As the crisis has made clear, the EU will probably have to start taking more account of preferences in this part of Europe. This means opportunities for the political science of religion to research the likelihood of a return to the Christian component of European identity, as well as the role this might play in improving the cultural condition of this part of the world.


1951 ◽  
Vol 5 (3) ◽  
pp. 619-620

On May 14, 1951 meetings were held of the Council and Political Committee of the Arab League in Damascus. Press reports indicated that the meeting of the Political Committee concerned the question of whether or not the Arab states should put into effect a real military alliance. On the same day the Foreign Affairs Committee of the Egyptian Chamber of Deputies had discussed the ratification of the Arab collective security pact. Egypt had been the originator of the pact which although initialled by six of the seven Arab nations had only been ratified by Saudi-Arabia. The press deduced from these reports that Syria wanted to know where it stood in case the Israeli-Syrian conflict became more serious. Iraq had already offered any support Syria asked for and sent some military detachments and an anti-aircraft unit through Syrian territory to the Israeli border. The Acting Prime Minister and Foreign Minister of Israel (Sharett), however, in an address to the Knesset Parliament in Jerusalem, warned the Political Committee that Israel was firmly resolved to defend every inch of her territory against encroachment or domination by Syria.


2018 ◽  
Vol 30 (4) ◽  
pp. 255-268 ◽  
Author(s):  
Karla María Alvarado-Ramírez ◽  
Víctor Hipólito Pumisacho-Álvaro ◽  
José Ángel Miguel-Davila ◽  
Manuel F. Suárez Barraza

PurposeThe purpose of this paper is to compare the practices of continuous improvement that are applied in medium and large manufacturing and service companies in two Latin American countries. At the same time, benefits and barriers experienced by these companies with regard to sustainability of continuous improvement are explored.Design/methodology/approachIn order to generate a comparative study between two Latin American countries, interviews were conducted with managers linked to continuous improvement in medium and large companies in the State of Puebla and the Metropolitan District of Quito, which are important areas in Mexico and Ecuador, respectively. Data were collected by means of document analysis, semi-structured interviews, and direct observation.FindingsCompanies in both countries identify the use of various techniques and/or tools for continuous improvement. The results of the empirical evidence show how the impact of the application of the techniques has been beneficial in economic and human terms. Thus, the exploratory study has permitted the identification of the drivers and inhibitors in the maintenance of continuous improvement.Research limitations/implicationsThe research is based on only two areas of the Latin American countries: Mexico and Ecuador. Their results can therefore not be generalized. The approach is applied in a specific environment, namely, the State of Puebla and the Metropolitan District of Quito. This study incorporates the perception of managers, directors, and/or supervisors involved in continuous improvement processes.Practical implicationsThis paper seeks to provide analytical input. The study is of great interest to researchers, managers, consultants, and professionals linked to projects of continuous improvement who wish to incorporate continuous improvement practices which are sustainable over time. A new managerial behavior is the basis of continuous improvement, where the training and development of the human resource increases the commitment to achieve organizational changes.Originality/valueThis research makes an empirical contribution to the literature through the understanding of practices of continuous improvement in a Latin American context, highlighting the factors that improve or impede the process of continuous improvement. Particularly in Mexico and Ecuador, the empirical evidence on this subject is still scarce despite the existence of theoretical academic literature.


1982 ◽  
Vol 18 (1) ◽  
pp. 633-634
Author(s):  
D. G. Wentzel ◽  
L. Houziaux ◽  
M. Rigutti ◽  
W. Buscombe ◽  
C. Iwaniszewska ◽  
...  

The projects of this Commission are increasingly aimed at the astronomically developing countries. The projects are:International Schools for Young Astronomers. These are the highest-priority activity of the Commission. They last three weeks, have typically 25 to 35 participants, cover a range of astronomical topics with emphasis on practical training, and are funded by the IAU, UNESCO, and local sources. This report covers three schools: i) La Laguna, Tenerife, Spain, September 1979, participants from Spain, Portugal, Canary Islands and five Latin American countries, ii) Hvar, SR Croatia, Yugoslavia, September – October 1980, participants from Balkan and Mediterranean countries, iii) Helwan Observatory, Cairo, Egypt, participants from Egypt, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, Nigeria, Tanzania, Greece, Portugal, Hungary, China.


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