scholarly journals Murder Crimes in Palestine: Factorial Study: جرائم القتل في فلسطين: دراسة عاملية

2021 ◽  
Vol 5 (35) ◽  
pp. 179-160
Author(s):  
Rashid M. Arar, Ahmad Ali Khaled, Taisir M. Abdallah Rashid M. Arar, Ahmad Ali Khaled, Taisir M. Abdallah
Keyword(s):  
Factor Analysis ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Abnormal Behavior ◽  
Validity And Reliability ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
The West ◽  
Alpha Reliability ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Descriptive Method

The study aimed to discover the factors and dimensions of murder crimes in Palestine (the West Bank, the Gaza Strip, Jerusalem, and the occupied Palestinian interior), using the analytical descriptive method and through the Google Survey program, the study was administered on a random sample of (340) individuals, the majority of them are those who have completed their university studies, (140) males, and (200) females, their average age is (33.91). The results, via Factor Analysis, indicated that the dimensions of the questionnaire used, and the component dimensions of the murders, were tested, and validity and reliability were calculated via construct validity, internal consistency, Cronbach Alpha reliability coefficients, Split-half reliability, and exploratory factor analysis, which indicated the presence of six factors for the murders explained (51%) of the total variance. The factors of the murders were a factor of the weakness of the law enforcement agencies, followed by abnormal behavior, Occupation, psychological disorders and social problems, socialization, and the factor of order and congestion. The study recommended the importance of being guided by law enforcement agencies. To review the means of confronting the phenomenon of homicide.

scholarly journals The Legality of Closure on Land and Safe Passage Between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank

2020 ◽  
pp. 1-39
Author(s):  
Marco LONGOBARDO
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Local Population ◽  
International Humanitarian Law ◽  
International Human Rights Law ◽  
Humanitarian Law ◽  
The West ◽  
Occupied Territory ◽  
The Gaza Strip

Abstract This paper explores the legality of the land closure imposed upon the Gaza Strip by Israel. After having considered the area under occupation, the paper argues that the legality of the closure must be determined under international humanitarian law, international human rights law, the principle of self-determination of peoples, and the Israeli-Palestinian agreements. In the light of these rules, the arbitrary closure of the Gaza Strip should be considered illegal because it breaches the unity between the Gaza Strip and the West Bank, and because it violates the freedom of movement of the local population. Moreover, the closure breaches the relevant rules pertaining to the transit of goods in occupied territory. The paper concludes that most of the violations caused by the closure affect peremptory rules which produce obligations erga omnes, so that any state in the international community is entitled to react under the law of state responsibility.

Decolonizing Palestine

2020 ◽  
Author(s):  
Somdeep Sen
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Postcolonial Studies ◽  
Colonial Rule ◽  
The West ◽  
Governing Body ◽  
Legislative Council ◽  
Armed Resistance ◽  
Liberation Movements ◽  
The Gaza Strip

This book rejects the notion that liberation from colonialization exists as a singular moment in history when the colonizer is ousted by the colonized. Instead, it considers the case of the Palestinian struggle for liberation from its settler colonial condition as a complex psychological and empirical mix of the colonial and the postcolonial. Specifically, the book examines the two seemingly contradictory, yet coexistent, anticolonial and postcolonial modes of politics adopted by Hamas following the organization's unexpected victory in the 2006 Palestinian Legislative Council election. Despite the expectations of experts, Hamas has persisted as both an armed resistance to Israeli settler colonial rule and as a governing body. Based on ethnographic material collected in the Gaza Strip, the West Bank, Israel, and Egypt, the book argues that the puzzle Hamas presents is not rooted in predicting the timing or process of its abandonment of either role. The challenge instead lies in explaining how and why it maintains both, and what this implies for the study of liberation movements and postcolonial studies more generally.

Measuring Complexity: A Confirmatory Factor Analysis Approach

2017 ◽  
Vol 33 (4) ◽  
pp. 380-391
Author(s):  
John C. Reed ◽  
George E. Higgins
Keyword(s):  
Factor Analysis ◽  
Organizational Change ◽  
Law Enforcement ◽  
Structural Equation ◽  
Police Department ◽  
Equation Model ◽  
Law Enforcement Agencies ◽  
Reporting Practices ◽  
Policies And Procedures ◽  
Confirmatory Factor

This study examines complexity as a measure of support for organizational redirection. This study considers whether 16 items (culture, mission, values, decentralization, policies and procedures, administrative reporting practices, weapons, contract, pay, benefits, patrol boundaries, equalization of workload, size of boundaries, communications, 10-codes, and car numbers) appropriately characterized a suppressed measure of complexity related to complex organizational change, a police department merger. The current study utilizes data collected from 390 sworn officers from two merged law enforcement agencies in Kentucky. The results of the structural equation model analysis supported the view that four factors (mission, logistics, benefits, and policy) fashion an underlying construct for measuring complexity related to organizational change/redirection. The implications of these findings are also considered.

Environmental Aspects of the Cairo Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area

1994 ◽  
Vol 28 (2-3) ◽  
pp. 374-401 ◽  
Author(s):  
Moshe Hirsh
Keyword(s):  
Natural Resources ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Basic Fact ◽  
Environmental Resources ◽  
Environmental Aspects ◽  
The West ◽  
The People ◽  
Political Boundaries ◽  
The Gaza Strip

Environmental resources and hazards do not recognize political boundaries. The basic fact that the people of Israel and of the new Palestinian entity in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip share several important natural resources compels the parties to co-operate in the protection of these resources. Neither party is solely able to manage these essential resources (e.g., water) and any attempt to act unilaterally in this sphere might harm the interests of both parties. A quick reading of the Agreement on the Gaza Strip and the Jericho Area (“the Cairo Agreement”) shows that the parties were indeed aware of this, and the agreement includes numerous environmental provisions in various sections.

Socio-economic status and chronic disease in the West Bank and the Gaza Strip: in and outside refugee camps

2018 ◽  
Vol 63 (7) ◽  
pp. 875-882
Author(s):  
Marie Jonassen ◽  
Amira Shaheen ◽  
Mohammed Duraidi ◽  
Khaled Qalalwa ◽  
Bernard Jeune ◽  
...  
Keyword(s):  
Chronic Disease ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Economic Status ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Refugee Camps ◽  
The West ◽  
Socio Economic Status ◽  
The Gaza Strip

Gazan Christians: Pilgrimage Permits, Migration, and the Exchange of Precarity

Exchange ◽  
2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (3-4) ◽  
pp. 316-338
Author(s):  
Kenny Schmitt
Keyword(s):  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Historical Background ◽  
Geographic Isolation ◽  
The West ◽  
Temporal And Spatial ◽  
Life Circumstances ◽  
The Gaza Strip

Abstract This study casts light on the dynamics driving Christian migration from the Gaza Strip and its consequences. By analyzing the historical background and institutionalization of Palestinian movement restrictions—specifically the pilgrimage permit regime—the article explores the temporal and spatial entanglements of pilgrimage, migration, and politics. Since 2007, deteriorating conditions have led Gazan Christians to use temporary pilgrimage permits as a pretext to permanently escape the Strip. The article argues that this migration is driven by the overwhelming precarity of Gazan Christians’ life circumstances, a precarity that includes temporal and spatial, political and economic, religious and personal insecurities. Further, those who escape do not find themselves in a better situation; they experience geographic isolation and communal fragmentation within the West Bank. The process of Gazan Christian migration is best understood as the mere exchange of precarity.

Rising Cost of Occupation

2018 ◽  
Author(s):  
Assaf Razin
Keyword(s):  
Global Economy ◽  
West Bank ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Palestinian Authority ◽  
The West ◽  
Political Conflicts ◽  
Second Intifada ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Political Units ◽  
Israeli Economy

Since 1967 when Israel when the West Bank and Gaza Strip occupation begun, there has been increasingly taxing social-economic effects on Israel. The second uprising broke out after the collapse of the OSLO agreements, in the early 2002. The Israeli economy was hit twice. It was first hit by the dotcom crash in the US; second, by the 2000-2005 Palestinian . The drastic effects on the Palestinian economy which shortly after split in to two political units (the West bank, controlled by the Palestinian Authority, and the Gaza Strip controlled by Hamas). Especially the Gaza strip economy got down to the level of humanitarian crisis. that the early 2000s shock had relatively small effect on the long-term trajectory of Israel's real GDP. The effect on the Israeli economy of the second Intifada shock was mild, and short-lived. globalization proved to be a “shield” against the Palestinian-Israeli military conflicts and regional trade obstacles for the Israeli economy. This means, that the Israeli economy is exposed, however, to alarming long run risks. If, and when, the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, and the long occupation of the of the West Bank territory would trigger political conflicts between Israel and its trade-and-finance partners, this “shield”, provided by Israel high level of integration with the global economy, may break down.

Revisiting 1967: The False Paradigm of Peace, Partition, and Parity

2017 ◽  
Author(s):  
Ilan Pappé
Keyword(s):  
European Union ◽  
United Nations ◽  
Gaza Strip ◽  
Peace Process ◽  
Jewish State ◽  
The West ◽  
Democratic State ◽  
The Us ◽  
The Gaza Strip ◽  
Vantage Points

This chapter examines the peace process historically as a strategy of the settler colonialist state and as a native response to it. It argues that the peace process was conceived at a particular moment, in June 1967, as part of the settler colonialist state's attempt to reconcile Israel's wish to remain demographically a Jewish state and its desire to expand geographically without losing the pretense of being a democratic state in the post-1967 context. It is also argued that the Israeli political and military elite knowingly engaged in this dilemma, contemplating the possibility of a scenario of its own or of others' making that would place it in control of the West Bank and the Gaza Strip. All three vantage points suggest that the two-state solution and the process that is supposed to bring it about are an Israeli plan, with modifications, by a powerful coalition of the US, EU, European Union, Russia, the United Nations, most of the Arab states, the Fatah Palestinian leadership, the Zionist Left and Center in Israel, and some well-known figures in the Palestinian solidarity movement. It is the power of the coalition and not the logic of the solution or the process that has maintained the “peace process” for so long, despite its apparent failure.

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