scholarly journals CONSTRUCTING AND PROMOTING NATIONAL IDENTITY THROUGH TOURISM: A MULTIMODAL DISCOURSE ANALYSIS OF INDONESIAN OFFICIAL TOURISM WEBSITE

2021 ◽  
Vol 39 (1) ◽  
pp. 63-77
Author(s):  
Bayu Permana Sukma

This paper aims to examine the contribution of multimodal resources in the Indonesian official tourism website in constructing and promoting the Indonesian national identity. Data were gathered from 7 verbal (linguistic) texts and 13 visual (nonlinguistic) texts presented in the Indonesian official tourism website. This study draws on Wodak et al’s (2009) discursive strategies of national identity construction and Kress and van Leuween’s (2006) theory of visual design. The results of the study show that the combination of verbal and visual texts in the Indonesian official tourism website contribute to the Indonesian national identity construction and promotion. The constructed and promoted Indonesian national identities are 1) Indonesia as a country with the rich natural landscape; 2) Indonesia as an archipelagic tropical country; 3) Indonesia as a maritime country; 4) Indonesia as a technologically advanced country; 5) Indonesia as a modern country; 6) Indonesia as a multicultural country; 7) Indonesia as a country with cultural richness; 8) Indonesians as people who are open to strangers or foreigners; 9) Indonesians as kind and friendly people; and 10) Indonesians as modern people.

2019 ◽  
Vol 18 (2) ◽  
pp. 291-311
Author(s):  
Snobra Rizwan

Abstract This paper focuses on critical discourse analysis of national identity premises as they enter in Pakistan’s social media debate over patriotism and treason. Drawing on a theoretical framework that calls attention to the embeddedness of religious and nationalistic ideas in identification paradigm of a society, the analysis emphasizes the naturalized link in motivational/inspirational and factual/circumstantial premises and the discursive and non-discursive practices of a culture. It also shows how (supposed) lack of a clear sense of national identity is intrinsically connected to a politicized understanding of national and anti-national identities, since anti-national identity is made salient as an obstacle in path toward national acceptance, and thus as a threat to national security. This, it is argued, is achieved through certain discursive strategies and non-discursive acts which serve to position undesirable anti-nationals as simultaneously in need of proving their patriotism and ineligible for integration into a broader national identification paradigm.


Author(s):  
Nasar Meer

The purpose of this chapter is to locate the discussion about Muslims in Scotland in relation to questions of national identity and multicultural citizenship. While the former has certainly been a prominent feature of public and policy debate, the latter has largely been overshadowed by constitutional questions raised by devolution and the referenda on independence. This means that, while we have undoubtedly progressed since MacEwen (1980) characterised the treatment of ‘race-relations’ in Scotland as a matter either of ‘ignorance or apathy’, the issue of where ethnic, racial and religious minorities rest in the contemporary landscape remains unsettled. One of the core arguments of this chapter is that these issues are all interrelated, and that the present and future status of Muslims in Scotland is tied up with wider debates about the ‘national question’. Hitherto, however, study of national identity in Scotland has often (though not always) been discussed in relation to the national identities of England, Wales and Britain as a whole.


Religions ◽  
2021 ◽  
Vol 12 (7) ◽  
pp. 475
Author(s):  
Francisco Javier Ramón Solans

The objective of this article is to analyse Mexican national pilgrimages to Rome that took place during the pontificate of Leo XIII (1878–1903). These pilgrimages occurred in the context of a global Catholic mobilisation in support of the papacy, during the so-called Roman Question. This paper’s analysis of these pilgrimages draws from historiography about national pilgrimages, as well as studies on Catholic mobilisation in support of the pope in the second half of the nineteenth century. It is fundamentally based on primary sources of an official nature, such as reports and other printed documents produced on the occasion of the pilgrimage. The study’s primary conclusion is that national pilgrimages to Rome had a polysemic character since they brought together various religious and national identities. The pilgrimages contributed simultaneously to reinforcing the link between Catholicism and Mexican national identity and the global dimension of Catholicism and allegiance to the Holy See.


2019 ◽  
Vol 13 ◽  
Author(s):  
Susilo Wibisono ◽  
Winnifred Louis ◽  
Jolanda Jetten

Indonesia has seen recent expansions of fundamentalist movements mobilising members in support a change to the current constitution. Against this background, two studies were conducted. In Study 1, we explored the intersection of religious and national identity among Indonesian Muslims quantitatively, and in Study 2, we qualitatively examined religious and national identification among members of moderate and fundamentalist religious organisations. Specifically, Study 1 (N= 178) assessed whether the association of religious and national identity was moderated by religious fundamentalism. Results showed that strength of religious identification was positively associated with strength of national identification for both those high and low in fundamentalism. Using structured interviews and focus group discussions, Study 2 (N =35) examined the way that self-alignment with religious and national groups develops among activists of religious movements in Indonesia. We found that while more fundamentalist activists attached greater importance to their religious identity than to any other identity (e.g., national and ethnic), more moderate activists represented their religious and national identities as more integrated and compatible. We conclude that for Indonesian Muslims higher in religious fundamentalism, religious and national identities appear to be less integrated and this is consequential for the way in which collective agendas are pursued.


2004 ◽  
Vol 32 (2) ◽  
pp. 457-496 ◽  
Author(s):  
Mark Lawrence Schrad

“Tell a man today to go and build a state,” Samuel Finer once stated, “and he will try to establish a definite and defensible boundary and compel those who live inside it to obey him.” While at best an oversimplification, Finer's insight illuminates an interesting aspect of state-society relations. Who is it that builds the state? How and where do they establish territorial boundaries, and how are those who live within that territory compelled to obey? Generally speaking, these are the questions that will be addressed here. Of more immediate concern is the fate of peoples located in regions where arbitrary land boundaries fall. Are they made loyal to the state through coercion or by their own compulsions? More importantly, how are their identities shaped by the efforts of the state to differentiate them from their compatriots on the other side of the borders? How is the shift from ethnic to national identities undertaken? A parallel elaboration of the national histories of the populations of Karelia and Moldova will shed light on these questions. The histories of each group are marked by a myriad of attempts to differentiate the identity of each ethnic community from their compatriots beyond the state's borders. The results of such overt, state-initiated efforts to differentiate borderland populations by encouraging a national identity at the expense of the ethnic, has ranged from the mundane to the tragic—from uneventful assimilation to persecution and even genocide. As an illustration of the range of possibilities and processes, I maintain that the tragedies of Karelia and Moldova are not exceptional, but rather are a consequence of their geographical straddling of arbitrary borders, and the need for the state to promote a distinctive national identity for these populations to differentiate them socially from their compatriots beyond the frontier.


2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (1) ◽  
pp. 194-203
Author(s):  
Aram Terzyan

Abstract This article presents an analysis of the evolution of Russia’s image representation in Georgian and Ukrainian political discourses amid Russian-Georgian and Russian-Ukrainian conflicts escalation. Even though Georgia’s and Ukraine’s troubled relations with neighboring Russia have been extensively studied, there has been little attention to the ideational dimensions of the confrontations, manifested in elite narratives, that would redraw the discursive boundaries between “Us” and “Them.” This study represents an attempt to fill the void, by examining the core narratives of the enemy, along with the discursive strategies of its othering in Georgian and Ukrainian presidential discourses through critical discourse analysis. The findings suggest that the image of the enemy has become a part of “New Georgia’s” and “New Ukraine’s” identity construction - inherently linked to the two countries’ “choice for Europe.” Russia has been largely framed as Europe’s other, with its “inherently imperial,” “irremediably aggressive” nature and adherence to illiberal, non-democratic values. The axiological and moral evaluations have been accompanied by the claims that the most effective way of standing up to the enemy’s aggression is the “consolidation of democratic nations,” coming down to the two countries’ quests for EU and NATO membership.


Author(s):  
Ludwina Van Son

In this analysis we have chosen a recent French talk show to illustrate how communication is turned into some new kind of "ideology"nowadays: in other words, you have to communicate if you consider yourself a citizen of today's world. The main characteristic of issue-centered talk shows being the destabilization of the implicit rules and participation framework, we observe how the so-called democratic right to express ourselves is (mis)used by the talk show host to secure the dynamics of the show. In order to reveal the host's manipulations, we have examined the verbal interactions between host and guests on the following issues: topic choice, turn-taking mechanisms and identity construction of the talk show's guests. In the perspective that this kind of talk show presents itself as a public space where direct democracy can be exercised, the analysis of the discursive strategies of the talk show host reveals the impact of a mediatic participation framework.


2004 ◽  
Vol 3 (3) ◽  
pp. 485-505 ◽  
Author(s):  
Peter Teo

This paper focuses on the discursive strategies used by the Singapore government to construct national identity and solidarity on the basis of a ‘clean and green’ environment. By analysing the slogans used in the Clean and Green Week campaign in terms of the use of pronouns and the pragmatic notion of ‘politeness’, the paper shows that the people of Singapore are not only persuaded to ‘buy’ the idea of environmentalism, but also to buy into the ideology of national identity and unity being derived (in part) from the proper management and conservation of Singapore’s scarce resources and limited physical space. The paper concludes with a discussion on how national campaigns such as the Clean and Green Week constitutes a form of political discourse, where public educational discourse becomes a veiled medium through which socio-political ideologies are produced and propagated. With the government treading the fine line between information and manipulation where ‘greening’ a country becomes a scaffolding for building a nation, a study like this offers interesting insights into the interplay between the language of politics and the politics of language.


Author(s):  
Mubarak Altwaiji ◽  
Majed Alenezi ◽  
Sajeena Gayathrri ◽  
Ebrahim Mohammed Alwuraafi ◽  
Maryam Naif Alanazi

Forming national identity is placed on top of the seven aspects of High-Impact Educational Practices (HIEPs) in Northern Border University. Similarly, the concept of academic awareness to national literature has been one of the main challenges to national literature in the Middle East. Just as the strong presence of national identity in Saudi’s 2030 vision has initiated re-evaluations of how national identity is shaped, Saudi novel has similar concerns that inform social constructs of national identity through overarching themes and comprehensive representations of cultural issues. This study investigates the ways in which two Saudi novelists interrogate the intertwined issues shared by 2030 vision and national novel which address the archetypal Saudi identity: first, that the construction of modern identity requires much cultural openness with the world; second, that construction of Saudi identity needs exclusion of otherness; and third, that national identity depends on the rich history of two historical regions – Najd and Hijaz - that binds identity to a unified territory. The study focuses on how these novels give visibility to issues that are at the core of 2030 vision’s social and cultural aspect such as life style, appearance behaviours, attitudes, accepting differences and willingness to work and volunteer. Drawing on this narrative analysis, the study advocates for the utility of introducing national novel for undergraduate students to help them perceive identity as a position and support their identity enactment.


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