POLITICAL CORRUPTION AS A SYSTEM OF ILLEGAL ACTIONS: VARIABILITY OF ASPECTS

Theoretical and methodological bases of political corruption as a systemic problem are considered. Political corruption is analyzed as a complex political, socio-economic, legal phenomenon, its main features are studied, the main approaches to the interpretation of the concept of political corruption are systematized, the causes of corrupt economic relations are clarified. Emphasis is placed on the fact that political corruption is a specific element of the socio-political life of society and the state as a whole. It reduces the ability of public authorities to realistically and effectively solve various objectively arising social problems. The phenomenon of political corruption has a socio-global nature, mediated by a set of economic, political, socio-cultural factors of society. The conceptual consideration of this aspect of political corruption is based on the assertion that political corruption is a multilateral but holistic phenomenon. In other words, revealing political corruption in this aspect, it is necessary not only to identify its essential features in the framework of political, legal, socio-economic and socio-cultural approaches, but also to trace the relationship between them, to understand their combination in a single phenomenon. It turns out that the main mechanism of control of politicians, accountability to their voters are always civil society institutions, the absence of which, as well as the dependence of the legislative and judicial branches of government inevitably lead to political corruption, which in turn completes the cycle of political corruption. generates the production of such actions of the authorities.

Author(s):  
Juan Pablo Paredes P.

How did cultural factors participate in the event of October in Chile? How were these factors related to each other? What implications did they have for collective action and social life? The purpose of the article is to carry out a cultural reading of the October event. To do this, a dialogue is proposed between cultural sociology and cultural studies, applied to the October protest movement, resorting to interpretive research tools. The appropriation of Plaza Italia, in Santiago, by the protesters, is used in an illustrative way to highlight the cultural elements and their interactions. Among the findings, the production of meaning based on motifs and frames stands out, the production of its own symbolism and iconography and the deployment of performances that allow defining the Plaza itself as an artifact of protest. Then certain scopes of the above for civil society are discussed. It concludes with a projection of the work and a brief reflection on the relationship between social sciences and humanities to deploy an interpretive strategy of empirical research.


Author(s):  
E.V. Pavlichenko ◽  
O.Y. Biloshenko ◽  
Y.S. Chabanenko

The article shows the study of public participation in the implementation of public administration. It is estab-lished that the public should act as a socially active part of society, which participates in socio-political life of the country on a voluntary basis. It is determined that the public should be characterized by: the need for communica-tion; focus on collective activity; priority of public interests over individual ones; active expression of their social position. The article proved that the establishment of a constructive dialogue between the public and state structures helps the public to inform state authorities about urgent problems of development of various spheres of public life. It is es-tablished that due to cooperation, partnership with the public, public authorities and administrations become better aware of various social problems. Close cooperation of public administration bodies with public structures allows the population to understand better the logic of management decisions and state policy in a given area, provides its trust and support if necessary. Effective forms of interaction between public authorities and the public and the specifics of the mechanism of public participation in public administration are substantiated and its characteristic features are determined. The article proposes the introduction of a mechanism for public participation in public administration. It is noted that the mechanism of public participation in public administration should be understood as a system of legal and public administration mechanisms that create legitimate conditions and means of real participation of socially active citizens in public administration, in particular, through their involvement in public administration. All mechanisms must be interconnected. The expediency of forming normative-legal mechanisms of public participation in public administration in Ukraine, which should be represented by a hierarchical system of normative-legal acts and consolidate the right of citizens to participate in the management of public affairs, has been proved; to determine the legal status of civil society institutions, in particular, in terms of their legal personality in relation to participation in public administration; to determine the procedural mechanisms of interaction between civil society and the rule of law and the influence of the public on public administration. It is noted that the formation of a civil society, which insufficient level of development in today’s Ukraine hin-ders the dynamics of democratic change, will contribute to the achievement of a corresponding standard of living like in European countries. It is determined that without a developed civil society it is impossible to improve public administration, which requires real public participation in the discussion and management decisions. It is noted that high-quality and effective interaction of public authorities with civil society should be formed under the condition of three basic principles: creation of a state agency, institution, department and division in the system of state power, which will be directly responsible for cooperation with the public; development and adoption of a state program to promote the development of interaction between government agencies and structures with civil society; formation of written agreements between public authorities and non-governmental organizations on their joint activities.


Author(s):  
Timothy Raylor

Hobbes claimed to have founded the discipline of civil philosophy (political science). The claim did not go uncontested, and in recent years the relationship of philosophical reasoning to rhetorical persuasion in Hobbes’s work has become a significant area of discussion, as scholars attempt to align his disparaging remarks about rhetoric with his dazzling practice of it in works like Leviathan. The dominant view is that, having rejected an early commitment to humanism and with it rhetoric when he adopted the ‘scientific’ approach to philosophy in the late 1630s, Hobbes later came to re-embrace it, as an essential aid to or part of philosophy. This book proposes that Hobbes was, from first to last, dubious about the place of rhetoric in civil society, and came to see it as a pernicious presence within philosophy—a position from which he did not retreat. Through attention to his years as a country-house tutor, the book offers a fresh and expanded picture of Hobbes’s humanism. It examines his teaching, and his translation of Thucydides; traces the influence on him of Bacon, and establishes the range of his early natural historical and philosophical interests; and it demonstrates the distinctively Aristotelian character of his understanding of rhetoric. The book re-examines the new approach to philosophy Hobbes adopted at the end of the 1630s, clarifying the nature and scope of his concern about the contamination of philosophy and political life by the procedures of rhetorical argumentation. And it reconsiders the place of rhetoric in Leviathan.


2011 ◽  
Vol 49 (2) ◽  
pp. 295-328
Author(s):  
Arskal Salim

This article discusses the concept of Muslim civil society in Indonesia by looking at differences in context between democratic and non-democratic regimes and by considering the diversity of Islamic interpretation of civil society and democracy. By looking at the dynamics within state-society relations and the process of democratisation, this article aims to clarify what kind of political actions correspond to the concept of civil society and help build a strong civil society in Indonesia in 1990s. Limiting its scope to the period from 1990 to 2001, the paper draws on two Muslim organisations (Nahdlatul Ulama and Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia) to explain why do Indonesian Muslims use the concept of civil society differently? How should Muslims perceive civil society vis-à-vis the state? Is it cooperation (participation) or opposition? Are both respective views equally legitimate? Given that Islamic doctrine may support the most varied of political outlooks, this study will point out that there is no single interpretation of the relationship between Islam and civil society or democracy. The article thus argues that differences between the two groups represent the diversity of Islamic interpretations of socio-political life.[Artikel ini membahas konsep “civil society” di Indonesia berdasarkan perbedaan konteks antara rejim demokratis dan otoriter serta menganalisis ragam interpretasi Islam mengenai civil society dan demokrasi. Melalui analisis dinamika hubungan rakyat-negara dan proses demokratisasi, artikel ini menjelaskan bentuk sikap politik yang sesuai dengan civil societydan mendorong terciptanya civil society yang kuat pada dekade 1990an di Indonesia. Diskusi dibatasi pada dua organisasi Muslim di Indonesia, Nahdlatul Ulama (NU) dan Ikatan Cendekiawan Muslim Indonesia (ICMI), dan hanya pada rentang 1990 hingga 2001. Pembatasan dilakukan guna menjawab mengapa Muslim di Indonesia menggunakan konsep civil society secara berbeda dan bagaimana mereka memandang bentuk relasi ideal antara negara-civil society; apakah kerjasama (partisipasi) ataukah oposisi? dan apakah kedua bentuk relasi tersebut sama-sama dapat dibenarkan?. Menyimak bahwa ajaran Islam dapat digunakan untuk mendukung berbagai pandangan politik, artikel ini menggarisbawahi bahwa interpretasi mengenai relasi Islam dan civil society/demokrasi adalah beragam. Karena itu, perbedaan antara NU dan ICMI dalam menterjemahkan konsep civil society merupakan cerminan perbedaan dan ragam interpretasi Islam terhadap kehidupan sosial-politik.]


Author(s):  
M. A. Meteleva ◽  

The article establishes the relationship between the function of sustainable economic growth in the informational productivity paradigm, which is the basis of the knowledge economy, and the modern interpretation of the economic content of entrepreneurship, which made it possible to draw a conclusion about the system-forming role of entrepreneurship in the formation of new socio-economic relations.In this regard, a refined definition of entrepreneurship based on the distinctive characteristics of its economic content is given. It is concluded that the new properties of informational socio-economic relations, the complication of their configuration and giving entrepreneurship a system-forming role in the knowledge economy, actualize the need for the development of network forms of organizing entrepreneurial activity.Methodological approaches to assessing the usefulness of one or another partner in the process of forming an inter-organizational alliance have been determined. It is proposed in the process of designing entrepreneurial networks to select potential actors using the methodology for assessing the network entrepreneurial potential of socio-economic systems of various levels. The definition of the network entrepreneurial potential of the territory is given.A method for a comprehensive assessment of the network entrepreneurial potential of a territory on the basis of a model that integrates the network entrepreneurial potential of business, the network entrepreneurial potential of civil society, and the network entrepreneurial potential of public administration, has been developed. The article presents a comprehensive assessment of the network entrepreneurial potential of the complex socio-economic system of the territory of the Russian Arctic, carried out using the proposed method. The territories of the Russian Arctic, the most attractive for the formation of entrepreneurial networks, have been identified based on the results of a comprehensive assessment of entrepreneurial potential and entrepreneurial potential of business, civil society and government.


2017 ◽  
Vol 82 (2) ◽  
Author(s):  
Eric Kayayan

In this article, the relationship between Johannes Althusius’ federal views of civil government – as expressed in his Politica methodice digesta – and John Calvin’s conception of the role and function of public authorities, is examined in the light of three sermons on Deuteronomy 17 preached by Calvin in 1555. The discussion takes its starting point in the consideration of the kind of politico-theological connection denied or ignored in today’s secularized France, with a particular historical reference to the regime of the Terreur in 1793-1794. The question of the influence which Calvin’s ecclesiology as well as subsequent Calvinistic ecclesiological developments in the Netherlands may have had on Althusius’ theory of government and of political life is raised in the light of the fact that Althusius not only held a degree in civil law, but also in Church law (both obtained in Basel the same year, under strong Luthero-Calvinist influence). If elements of a relation do indeed appear, they still remain to be established with more precision. Still, in their views both Calvin and Althusius clearly point towards a unified vision of society under the norm of God’s rule. With Althusius, this norm – embodied in the Decalogue – is refracted in the various spheres constitutive of human activity associated with each other in a federative way, each one retaining its own mode of operating.


Author(s):  
Michael O’Toole

In this article I examine aspects of the relationship between mothers and sons from an attachment perspective in an Irish context. Through the works of Irish writers such as Seamus Heaney, John McGahern, and Colm Tóibín, I focus on particular aspects of this relationship, which fails to support the developmental processes of separation and individuation in the many men who come to me for psychotherapy. I illustrate key points concerning this attachment dynamic through the use of clinical examples of my work with two men from my practice. While acknowledging that many other cultural factors play a significant role in the emotional development of children, integrating the work of our poets, novelists, and scholars with an attachment perspective


Author(s):  
Courtney Freer

This chapter provides a critical background on the country cases by examining their brief political histories as independent states. It also gives critical information about the legal frameworks of such states to highlight where and how Islamist groups can act in these states. By providing such descriptions, this chapter demonstrates the extent to which these states, in regime or popular politics, either adhere or fail to adhere to the government type and political environment normally associated with the rentier state. The chapter also reveals critical commonalities among the super-rentier states—they are governed by powerful ruling families; institutionalized political life is hampered; and civil society and political life remain largely informal—while also indicating their differences, which arose in light of their differing sociocultural and economic backgrounds.


Author(s):  
Alejandro Milcíades Peña

The chapter discusses the relationship between social movements and peaceful change. First, it reviews the way this relationship has been elaborated in IR constructivist and critical analyses, as part of transnational activist networks, global civil society, and transnational social movements, while considering the blind sides left by the dominant treatment of these entities as positive moral actors. Second, the chapter reviews insights from the revolution and political violence literature, a literature usually sidelined in IR debates about civil society, in order to cast a wider relational perspective on how social movements participate in, and are affected by, interactive dynamic processes that may escalate into violent outcomes at both local and international levels.


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