scholarly journals Fateful Consequences: U.S.-Iran Relations during the Nixon and Ford Administrations, 1969-77

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Andrew Scott Cooper
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Oil Resources ◽  
Oil Shock ◽  
Oil Embargo ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
Pahlavi Dynasty ◽  
The Relationship

<p>This thesis analyzes the trajectory of U.S.-Iran relations from 1969, when Richard Nixon came to office, through the early and mid-1970s when the Nixon Doctrine embraced Iran as the cornerstone of its national security architecture in the Persian Gulf and West Asia, to 1977 when Ford left office with U.S.-Iran relations in a state of disrepair. It discusses the factors—geopolitics, economics, Iranian nationalism, domestic politics, the rise of transnational entities like Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), rivalries between the Departments of Defense, State, and Treasury and personal ambitions—which damaged the relationship and contributed to the collapse of the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran. It lays particular stress on the difficulties in resolving national security and conflicting economic interests in regards to Iran’s oil resources at time when U.S. dependency on oil from the Middle East increased. It places these conflicts in the context of a series of crises in the form of the 1973 energy crisis, the October War, Watergate, the OPEC oil embargo and oil shock. It explains that the inability or unwillingness of either side to resolve their policy differences resulted from the economic forces unleashed by the oil shock, the difficulties of reconciling strategic, geopolitical and economic goals, and the domestic political vulnerabilities of chief architects of the relationship—Presidents Nixon and Ford, Henry Kissinger, and the Shah Reza Pahlavi—at a time when Vietnam, Watergate and recession weakened the U.S. and the Shah faced the dangers of incipient rebellion, revolution and coup which he tried to suppress through the use of SAVAK, the secret police, and one-party rule. The thesis thus examines how the intrusion of economic concerns into cold war geopolitical calculations had fateful consequences, not only for U.S.-Iran relations, but for U.S. national security strategy, the survival of the Pahlavi regime, and stability in the Persian Gulf which resulted in a new U.S. reliance upon Saudi Arabia to ensure access to oil.</p>

scholarly journals Fateful Consequences: U.S.-Iran Relations during the Nixon and Ford Administrations, 1969-77

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Andrew Scott Cooper
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
Domestic Politics ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Oil Resources ◽  
Oil Shock ◽  
Oil Embargo ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
Pahlavi Dynasty ◽  
The Relationship

<p>This thesis analyzes the trajectory of U.S.-Iran relations from 1969, when Richard Nixon came to office, through the early and mid-1970s when the Nixon Doctrine embraced Iran as the cornerstone of its national security architecture in the Persian Gulf and West Asia, to 1977 when Ford left office with U.S.-Iran relations in a state of disrepair. It discusses the factors—geopolitics, economics, Iranian nationalism, domestic politics, the rise of transnational entities like Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), rivalries between the Departments of Defense, State, and Treasury and personal ambitions—which damaged the relationship and contributed to the collapse of the Pahlavi dynasty in Iran. It lays particular stress on the difficulties in resolving national security and conflicting economic interests in regards to Iran’s oil resources at time when U.S. dependency on oil from the Middle East increased. It places these conflicts in the context of a series of crises in the form of the 1973 energy crisis, the October War, Watergate, the OPEC oil embargo and oil shock. It explains that the inability or unwillingness of either side to resolve their policy differences resulted from the economic forces unleashed by the oil shock, the difficulties of reconciling strategic, geopolitical and economic goals, and the domestic political vulnerabilities of chief architects of the relationship—Presidents Nixon and Ford, Henry Kissinger, and the Shah Reza Pahlavi—at a time when Vietnam, Watergate and recession weakened the U.S. and the Shah faced the dangers of incipient rebellion, revolution and coup which he tried to suppress through the use of SAVAK, the secret police, and one-party rule. The thesis thus examines how the intrusion of economic concerns into cold war geopolitical calculations had fateful consequences, not only for U.S.-Iran relations, but for U.S. national security strategy, the survival of the Pahlavi regime, and stability in the Persian Gulf which resulted in a new U.S. reliance upon Saudi Arabia to ensure access to oil.</p>

scholarly journals China’s “Belt and Road” Economic Diplomacy in the Persian Gulf: Strategic Hedging amidst Saudi–Iranian Regional Rivalry

2020 ◽  
Vol 49 (1) ◽  
pp. 82-105 ◽  
Author(s):  
Jeremy Garlick ◽  
Radka Havlová
Keyword(s):  
National Security ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
The United States ◽  
Belt And Road Initiative ◽  
Strategic Objectives ◽  
Economic Diplomacy ◽  
Belt And Road ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Belt And Road ◽  
Strategic Hedging

Drawing on the literature on strategic hedging and adapting it to China’s use of economic diplomacy in the service of comprehensive national security goals within the regionalised foreign policy approach of the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), we examine China’s approach to securing and expanding its interests in the Persian Gulf. To implement the trade and infrastructure connectivity goals of the BRI and to secure the continued flow of diversified energy supplies, China needs to boost relations with both regional powerhouses, Iran and Saudi Arabia, without alienating either of them or the regional hegemon, the United States. The resulting strategy of strategic hedging is based in the Chinese approach to economic diplomacy, which utilises Chinese commercial actors in the service of national strategic objectives. Relations require careful and ongoing management if China is to achieve outcomes which benefit all sides while avoiding becoming entangled in the region’s intractable geopolitical problems.

State of the Art: Persian Gulp Studies

1977 ◽  
Vol 11 (2) ◽  
pp. 31-43
Author(s):  
Emile A. Nakhleh
Keyword(s):  
Persian Gulf ◽  
State Of The Art ◽  
Consumer Products ◽  
International Conflicts ◽  
Policy Makers ◽  
Arms Sales ◽  
Oil Embargo ◽  
The Many ◽  
The Persian Gulf

The international community is witnessing the resurgence of an old, yet new entity in its midst—the Persian Gulf. Since this decade began, the October War, the Oil embargo, the energy crisis, the massive American arms sales in the region, the concomitant presence of substantial numbers of American personnel and the expanding roles of Iran and Saudi Arabia have all forced this area to the center of international politics and economics. The new perceptions which have been created by these developments have focused on the modern Persian Gulf as a major source of oil, a subsystem of competing local nationalisms, an area of superpower rivalry, an insatiable market for consumer products, a pivotal factor in regional and international conflicts and of course a fascinating case study for social science researchers. The recent outpouring of studies, reports and background summaries testifies to the many facets of the region which are of interest to policy makers, businessmen and academicians.

scholarly journals Theorizing the Grounds of Rhetorical Judgment

1993 ◽  
Vol 15 (1) ◽  
Author(s):  
John Loius Lucaites ◽  
Charles A. Taylor
Keyword(s):  
Intellectual History ◽  
Common Sense ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
Political Action ◽  
Social Actors ◽  
History Of ◽  
Historically Situated ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Relationship

Prudence has long been an important topic for rhetorical theorists and its place in intellectual history is becoming increasingly well documented. This essay develops a conception of prudence as an ideological construct, a term crafted in the history of its public usages to govern the relationship between common sense and political action as enacted in the name of historically situated social actors. From this perspective, prudence represents the recursive interaction between a rhetoric of judgment and the grounds on which that rhetoric is evaluated by a historically particular community of arguers. A case study of the 1991 U.S. Senate debate regarding the authorization of offensive military action in the Persian Gulf illustrates how competing standards of prudential judgment are crafted and evaluated in discursive controversy.

scholarly journals Otolith measurements to estimate standard length of gobiid fish (Teleostei: Gobiiformes) from the Persian Gulf and Oman Sea

2020 ◽  
Vol 67 (4) ◽  
Author(s):  
Mahdi Iranmanesh ◽  
Majid Askari Hesni ◽  
Mohammadreza Lashkari
Keyword(s):  
Standard Length ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
Regression Equations ◽  
Gobiid Fish ◽  
Morphometric Characters ◽  
Oman Sea ◽  
Significant Difference ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
Periophthalmus Waltoni ◽  
The Relationship

The relationship between morphometric characters (length, weight and height) of otolith and fish standard length was determined for six intertidal gobiid species from the northern Persian Gulf and Oman Sea. A total of 144 sagittal otoliths were extracted and anlysed from Periophthalmus waltoni, Boleophthalmus dussumieri, Scartelaos tenuis, Istigobius ornatus, Bathygobius meggitti and Trypauchen vagina. Regression equations were derived and found that there is no significant difference in regression coefficients between left and right otoliths of the species studied. Results of the study showed that otolith length (OL) and height (OH) could estimate standard length in all the species studied except in T. vagina, where the otolith weight gave the best estimate of standard length. Results clearly indicated that otolith dimensions of the gobiid fishes studied could provide information about the species and size.

The Structuring of a World Environmental Regime, 1870–1990

1997 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Meyer ◽  
David John Frank ◽  
Ann Hironaka ◽  
Evan Schofer ◽  
Nancy Brandon Tuma
Keyword(s):  
International Economic ◽  
National Security ◽  
Human Society ◽  
Economic Interests ◽  
Global Society ◽  
Environmental Regime ◽  
Environmental Organization ◽  
Nation States ◽  
Relationship Of ◽  
The Relationship

In recent decades a great expansion has occurred in world environmental organization, both governmental and nongovernmental, along with an explosion of worldwide discourse and communication about environmental problems. All of this constitutes a world environmental regime. Using the term regime a little more broadly than usual, we define world environmental regime as a partially integrated collection of world-level organizations, understandings, and assumptions that specify the relationship of human society to nature. The rise of an environmental regime has accompanied greatly expanded organization and activity in many sectors of global society. Explaining the growth of the environmental regime, however, poses some problems. The interests and powers of the dominant actors in world society—nation-states and economic interests—came late to the environmental scene. Thus these forces cannot easily be used to explain the rise of world mobilization around the environment, in contrast with other sectors of global society (for example, the international economic and national security regimes).

scholarly journals The Prospect of the Relationship between the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Saudi Arabia: Plausible Scenarios

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (3) ◽  
pp. 83
Author(s):  
Faisal M. Al- Shogairat ◽  
Vladimir Yurtaev
Keyword(s):  
Foreign Policy ◽  
Saudi Arabia ◽  
Middle East ◽  
Persian Gulf ◽  
General Situation ◽  
Islamic Republic ◽  
National Interests ◽  
Islamic Republic Of Iran ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Relationship

Islamic republic of Iran and Saudi Arabia are identified as two effective countries in sub-region of the Persian Gulf, that the radius of their influence covers whole great region of the Middle East. The relationship between the two countries have been full of tension during last decade, and during this period changes of political authorities of these countries were not able to improve this relationship. The cause is the resources of foreign policy behavior of the two countries, historical backgrounds of each country, as well as conflict of interest of each in the region of the Persian Gulf and the Middle East. The most competition atmosphere between the two countries is inside the three climacteric countries of Iraq, Syria and Yemen. Accordingly, the prospect of bilateral relations is a consequence of their behaviors in the region and also their dealings with these three countries. Three scenarios presented regarding the two countries' foreign policy in the region can be discussed: efforts to establish governments, attempts to maintain political structures of collapsing countries, and finally, continuation of current trends that may lead to disintegration of these climacteric countries. By studying these scenarios and drivers, blockers and their wild cards, this paper considers the second scenario best for both countries, which is consistent with their national interests, and with the region’s history and general situation.

The Relationship between Censorship and the Emotional and Critical Tone of Television News Coverage of the Persian Gulf War

1994 ◽  
Vol 71 (1) ◽  
pp. 32-42 ◽  
Author(s):  
John E. Newhagen
Keyword(s):  
Persian Gulf ◽  
Television News ◽  
News Coverage ◽  
Emotional Valence ◽  
Gulf War ◽  
Persian Gulf War ◽  
News Stories ◽  
The Persian Gulf ◽  
The Relationship

The Persian Gulf War provided a unique opportunity to examine the relationship between censorship and the emotional and critical tone of television news. Coverage of the war was unique, not because censorship was taking place, but because news stories were clearly labeled by disclaimers when they were aired. A total of 424 television news stories broadcast during the Persian Gulf War were content analyzed for the presence or absence of censorship disclaimers, the censoring source, and the producing network. The stories also were rated for emotional valence and intensity, and critical tone of the story toward the source. The results are discussed in terms of both production- and viewer-based differences. The question of whether censorship “works” is considered in terms of unanticipated results related to story negativity, intensity, and critical treatment of the sources.

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