The Structuring of a World Environmental Regime, 1870–1990

1997 ◽  
Vol 51 (4) ◽  
pp. 623-651 ◽  
Author(s):  
John W. Meyer ◽  
David John Frank ◽  
Ann Hironaka ◽  
Evan Schofer ◽  
Nancy Brandon Tuma

In recent decades a great expansion has occurred in world environmental organization, both governmental and nongovernmental, along with an explosion of worldwide discourse and communication about environmental problems. All of this constitutes a world environmental regime. Using the term regime a little more broadly than usual, we define world environmental regime as a partially integrated collection of world-level organizations, understandings, and assumptions that specify the relationship of human society to nature. The rise of an environmental regime has accompanied greatly expanded organization and activity in many sectors of global society. Explaining the growth of the environmental regime, however, poses some problems. The interests and powers of the dominant actors in world society—nation-states and economic interests—came late to the environmental scene. Thus these forces cannot easily be used to explain the rise of world mobilization around the environment, in contrast with other sectors of global society (for example, the international economic and national security regimes).

Author(s):  
Isra Shengul Chebi ◽  
Dilshat Karimova

Defined both in an individual and in a social or cultural context, identity is a historical phenomenon; a consistent, complete sense of identity develops in the historical process. Social relations created by historical conditions shape Turkish identity, just like other collective identities. Revealed as one of the oldest nations in history, Turkish identity has also been shaped by the amalgamation of the effects created by the rule of law in the collective consciousness. Despite the fact that the length of the historical process makes it difficult to clearly identify the stages of the adventure, when studying Turkish identity it is necessary to look at the Ottoman Empire, which is a prerequisite for the modern Turkish state, and the self-identification of the society that feels belonging to the above state. Indeed, it is not very wrong to associate the phenomenon of identity as a topic of discussion with the relationship of the Ottoman state with the modern nation states of the West. In this context, it would be appropriate to touch upon the perception of identity in the Ottoman Empire.


Author(s):  
Vladimir Degtiar

The article tries to trace the formation, transformation, and deconstruction of the image of the author’s studied object. At the same time, it is proposed to consider the movement of the subject in the ethnographic space, that is, a temporal and geographically unified space that includes field research, presentations, conversations with colleagues, writing the text of an article, etc. The concept of imaginaries, which is central to the representation of the object, is considered in comparison with tourism practices, where the image is a central element, which gives a better understanding of the practices of both. It is argued that when deconstructing an image, the researcher’s position on the object and the ethnographic space change. The method of self-ethnography and mobility as a concept metaphor serve as tools for deconstructing the image. The main result of such a deconstruction is the ethical conclusions of the relationship of the subject to the object, as well as the performative effect of auto–ethnography. The author at the same time tries to find a solution to establish a reciprocity in relation to the object, as a kind of mandatory ethical action. One of the possible solutions seems to be the use of anthropological knowledge in the commodification of the object’s culture in its economic interests.


2008 ◽  
Vol 21 (3) ◽  
pp. 563-580 ◽  
Author(s):  
GREGOR NOLL

AbstractIn this article, I apply René Girard's theory of generative violence to the international law relating to the use of force. I argue that texts of international law make gestures of referral towards an immanent normativity on the fettering of divine violence. The means to this end is a form of sacrificial violence that seeks to promote the preservation and cohesion of the ‘international community’. The structuring of this violence through international law and its repeated staging reproduces the relationship of prophecy to miracle. Empirically, I draw mainly on excerpts from the 2006 US National Security Strategy.


2014 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 105-120
Author(s):  
Katja Mäkinen

The question in this article is how citizenship is reinvented and recontextualized in a newly founded European Union after the launching of Union Citizenship. What kind of conceptions of citizenship are produced in this new and evolving organization? The research material consists of documents presented by EU organs from 1994 to 2007 concerning eight EU programs on citizenship and culture. I will analyze conceptual similarities (continuities) and differences (discontinuities) between these documents and previous conceptualizations in various contexts, including citizenship discussions in the history of integration since the 1970s as well as theories of democracy and nation-states. Based on the analysis of participation, rights, and identity as central dimensions of citizenship, I will discuss the relationship of Union Citizenship to democracy and nationality.


2021 ◽  
Vol 9 (1) ◽  
pp. 7-37
Author(s):  
Lubomír Hlavienka

In May 1945, Western Silesia, originally inhabited predominantly by the German population, found itself in a completely new situation. The region was once again controlled by the Czechoslovak state power, which wanted to re-organise life in the borderlands. Therefore, it was necessary to handle the issue of the German population, as well as the influx of new settlers from the Czechoslovak inland and abroad. Changes took place on the other side of the border as well, and neighbouring Germany was replaced by Poland. These aspects gave rise to a completely new security situation that the newly formed security corps had to address. The article attempts to follow the relationship of the Czechoslovak security corps to the members of other nationalities who lived in the researched area or with those whom they came into contact while guarding the non-fixed state borders. Research shows that, in 1945, the National Security Corps (SNB) indeed took qualitatively different approaches to various nationalities, ranging from strong hostility and distrust towards the Germans, through vigilance towards the Polish, to an ambiguous attitude towards re-emigrants.


Author(s):  
Thomas Barfield

This chapter examines Afghanistan's premodern patterns of political authority and the groups that wielded it. During this period nation-states did not exist and regions found themselves as parts of various empires. During its premodern history, the territory of today's Afghanistan was conquered and ruled by foreign invaders. Located on a fracture zone linking Iran in the west, central Asia in the north, and south Asia in the east, it was the route of choice for armies moving across the Hindu Kush (or south of it) toward the plains of India. For the same reason, empires based in India saw the domination of this region as their first line of defense. This chapter focuses on how (and what kinds of) territory was conquered, how conquerors legitimated their rule, and the relationship of such states with peoples at their margins.


2019 ◽  
Vol 6 (2) ◽  
pp. 203-212
Author(s):  
Roda Hourie

This article focuses on the relationship of Syria and Turkey in the field of water resources. The author studies the chronology of the development of relations between Syria andTurkey on the stated issues, historical background and causes of conflict situations. The positionsof Syria, Turkey and Iraq on the current controversial situations related to the use of shared water resources are analyzed. The author focuses on the vital importance of water resources for theeconomy and national security of Syria. The role of regional integration associations in resolvingconflict situations on the stated issues is revealed.


Author(s):  
Paul C Avey ◽  
Michael C Desch ◽  
Eric Parajon ◽  
Susan Peterson ◽  
Ryan Powers ◽  
...  

Abstract Scholars continue to debate the relationship of academic international relations to policy. One of the most straightforward ways to discern whether policymakers find IR scholarship relevant to their work is to ask them. We analyzed an elite survey of US policy practitioners to better understand the conditions under which practitioners use academic knowledge in their work. We surveyed officials across three different policy areas: international development, national security, and trade. We also employed multiple survey experiments in an effort to causally identify the impact of academic consensus on the views of policy officials and to estimate the relative utility of different kinds of research outputs. We found that policymakers frequently engage with academic ideas, find an array of research outputs and approaches useful, and that scholarly findings can shift their views. Key obstacles to using academic knowledge include practitioners' lack of time as well as academic work being too abstract and not timely, but not that it is overly quantitative. Additionally, we documented important differences between national security officials and their counterparts who work in the areas of development and trade. We suggest that this variation is rooted in the nature of the different policy areas. Los expertos continúan con el debate acerca del vínculo entre los estudios académicos sobre relaciones internacionales y la política. Una de las formas más sencillas de determinar si los responsables de formular políticas consideran que los estudios de RI son relevantes para su trabajo es preguntándoles. Analizamos una encuesta de élite realizada a profesionales de la política en EE. UU. para comprender mejor las condiciones en las que utilizan los conocimientos académicos en su trabajo. Encuestamos a funcionarios de tres áreas políticas diferentes: Desarrollo Internacional, Seguridad Nacional y Comercio. También realizamos varios experimentos de encuestas para identificar la influencia del consenso académico en las opiniones de los funcionarios políticos y estimar la utilidad relativa de los distintos tipos de resultados de investigación. Comprobamos que, con frecuencia, los responsables de formular políticas se comprometen con las ideas académicas, consideran de utilidad toda una serie de resultados y enfoques de investigación, y que los hallazgos académicos pueden cambiar sus puntos de vista. Entre los principales obstáculos a la hora de recurrir a los conocimientos académicos se encuentran la falta de tiempo de los profesionales, así como el hecho de que los trabajos académicos sean demasiado abstractos y poco oportunos, pero no el hecho de que sean excesivamente cuantitativos. Además, documentamos importantes diferencias entre los funcionarios de Seguridad Nacional y sus colegas que trabajan en las áreas de Desarrollo y Comercio. Sugerimos que esta variación tiene su origen en la naturaleza de los diferentes ámbitos políticos.


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