scholarly journals Valuing Education: The role of soft power in Chinese engagement with Tonga

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Regan Priestley Gibbons
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Chinese Immigrants ◽  
The Political ◽  
Unique Case ◽  
Education Campaign ◽  
Trade Education ◽  
Economic Engagement ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
Limited Scope

<p>The bilateral relationship between China and Tonga has existed for almost fifteen years, expanding from an initially limited scope to encompass trade, education, tourism, culture and defence. While China has rapidly expanded its official relationship with Tonga, this expansion has created tensions within Tongan society generated by fears of Chinese immigrants taking jobs and businesses. These tensions boiled over in 2006, as Tongans rioted in the capital Nuku’alofa against Chinese shopkeepers over perceived unfair competition. The aftermath of the Nuku’alofa riots has seen an increasing awareness from China of the need to educate Tongans to its presence in their country, and its goals on the world stage. This new awareness has resulted in China adopting a number of approaches to educate Tongans as part of its expanding engagement. Education has become a central plank of this new-found education campaign, with China introducing several programmes to expose Tongan students to its culture and values, including scholarships for tertiary students to study within China. The purpose of this thesis is to explore the correlation between China’s increasing political and economic engagement with Tonga, and the increasing use of education programmes such as scholarships to educate Tongans about China and its culture and values. To accomplish this, the political and economic ties between China and Tonga will be analysed, as will the soft power initiatives that China has undertaken. These will then be analysed to test whether or not the increase in soft power initiatives is due to the expansion of political and economic ties between the two countries. This will allow the use of soft power by China in Tonga to be compared to the trends evident in other South Pacific states, to determine whether Tonga is a unique case or whether China is undertaking these policies across the region.</p>

scholarly journals Valuing Education: The role of soft power in Chinese engagement with Tonga

2021 ◽  
Author(s):  
◽  
Regan Priestley Gibbons
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Chinese Immigrants ◽  
The Political ◽  
Unique Case ◽  
Education Campaign ◽  
Trade Education ◽  
Economic Engagement ◽  
Economic Ties ◽  
Limited Scope

<p>The bilateral relationship between China and Tonga has existed for almost fifteen years, expanding from an initially limited scope to encompass trade, education, tourism, culture and defence. While China has rapidly expanded its official relationship with Tonga, this expansion has created tensions within Tongan society generated by fears of Chinese immigrants taking jobs and businesses. These tensions boiled over in 2006, as Tongans rioted in the capital Nuku’alofa against Chinese shopkeepers over perceived unfair competition. The aftermath of the Nuku’alofa riots has seen an increasing awareness from China of the need to educate Tongans to its presence in their country, and its goals on the world stage. This new awareness has resulted in China adopting a number of approaches to educate Tongans as part of its expanding engagement. Education has become a central plank of this new-found education campaign, with China introducing several programmes to expose Tongan students to its culture and values, including scholarships for tertiary students to study within China. The purpose of this thesis is to explore the correlation between China’s increasing political and economic engagement with Tonga, and the increasing use of education programmes such as scholarships to educate Tongans about China and its culture and values. To accomplish this, the political and economic ties between China and Tonga will be analysed, as will the soft power initiatives that China has undertaken. These will then be analysed to test whether or not the increase in soft power initiatives is due to the expansion of political and economic ties between the two countries. This will allow the use of soft power by China in Tonga to be compared to the trends evident in other South Pacific states, to determine whether Tonga is a unique case or whether China is undertaking these policies across the region.</p>

Germany and Russia Since Reunification: Continuity, Change, and the Role of Leaders

2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (1) ◽  
pp. 42-62 ◽  
Author(s):  
Keyword(s):  
Image Analysis ◽  
International Relations ◽  
The Political ◽  
German Reunification ◽  
The Past ◽  
Personal Relations ◽  
Economic Trends ◽  
Economic Ties

How can we understand German-Russian relations since German reunification? Both the geopolitical positions of the two states and the political and economic ties between them have been transformed over the past twentyfive years. This paper will argue, however, that the role of the two countries’ leaders in shaping these relations has been surprisingly important. Building on the tradition of “first image” analysis in international relations, this paper shows that, along with larger political and economic trends, personal relations between these leaders have helped to set the tenor of bilateral ties. When the leaders were able to build trust and personal friendships, relations improved. Yet more recently, since 2012, relations have soured sharply. While there are obviously larger reasons for this, more negative personal ties between leaders have also played an important role. In short, just as issues of trust and friendship matter in personal ties, they also matter in International Relations.

scholarly journals Gestation, equality and freedom: ectogenesis as a political perspective

2019 ◽  
Vol 46 (2) ◽  
pp. 76-82 ◽  
Author(s):  
Giulia Cavaliere
Keyword(s):  
Status Quo ◽  
Positive Case ◽  
The Political ◽  
Small Subset ◽  
Human Fetuses ◽  
Political Perspective ◽  
Women's Equality ◽  
The Status ◽  
Limited Scope

The benefits of full ectogenesis, that is, the gestation of human fetuses outside the maternal womb, for women ground many contemporary authors’ arguments on the ethical desirability of this practice. In this paper, I present and assess two sets of arguments advanced in favour of ectogenesis: arguments stressing ectogenesis’ equality-promoting potential and arguments stressing its freedom-promoting potential. I argue that although successfully grounding a positive case for ectogenesis, these arguments have limitations in terms of their reach and scope. Concerning their limited reach, I contend that ectogenesis will likely benefit a small subset of women and, arguably, not the group who most need to achieve equality and freedom. Concerning their limited scope, I contend that these defences do not pay sufficient attention to the context in which ectogenesis would be developed and that, as a result, they risk leaving the status quo unchanged. After providing examples of these limitations, I move to my proposal concerning the role of ectogenesis in promoting women’s equality and freedom. This proposal builds on Silvia Federici’s, Mariarosa Dalla Costa’s and Selma James’ readings of the international feminist campaign ‘Wages for Housework’. It maintains that the political perspective and provocation that ectogenesis can advance should be considered and defended.

The Role of International Organizations in Restricting the Use of Humanitarian Intervention for Political Purposes

2020 ◽  
Vol 11 (4) ◽  
pp. 1287
Author(s):  
Adel Hamzah OTHMAN
Keyword(s):  
International Organizations ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Humanitarian Intervention ◽  
Recovery Period ◽  
Political Influence ◽  
The State ◽  
Practical Significance ◽  
The Political ◽  
Emergency Situations

Humanitarian intervention is often seen as a factor of increasing the level of political presence in one state by another due to its impact on socio-economic processes. Moreover, the presence of the state itself and its government or army is not required. International organizations are used in most cases. The relevance of the study is determined by the fact that humanitarian intervention is now understood as an instrument of soft power, coupled with the use of the international community in the context of cross-cutting information. The novelty of the article is determined by the fact that humanitarian intervention is considered not only as an instrument of political influence, but also as a mechanism for participation in the economic environment of society. The paper shows that under the conditions of the distribution of crisis economic phenomena, humanitarian intervention can only aggravate the situation of the state. It was determined that the most effective tool to increase the political rating of other state is the recovery period after emergency situations. The authors show the mechanism for using the mandatory procedures for the restoration of the country using a political instrument from the most financially secure states. The practical significance of the paper is determined by the need to form a mechanism for differentiating the political impact in the process of restoring the state after an emergency.

scholarly journals ІNSTITUTE OF PRESIDENCY AS A CONCEPTUAL POWER IN DEMOCRATIC POLITICAL SYSTEMS

2019 ◽  
Vol 13 (1) ◽  
pp. 71-76
Author(s):  
Oleh Tkach
Keyword(s):  
Research Methods ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
Political System ◽  
System Analysis ◽  
Political Crisis ◽  
The Political ◽  
Political Systems ◽  
Political Processes ◽  
Head Of State

Formulation of the problem: The features of model of presidencialism in modern terms, possibility of application of presidencialism in democracy are analysed in the article. Analis of concept: politics, decision of political conflicts. The political factors of political strategies of presidencialism are considered, of institute of the president, as subject of conceptual power and democratic political system, as its object is investigated. It is shown, that the real model of political system contains oligarchic and antiolygarchic components, each of which can become prevailing. Purpose of the research: The purpose of the article is to carry out a theoretical and methodological analysis of the essence of the presidency as a subject of conceptual power in democratic political systems, to identify the structure of conceptual power, its role and place in the political system of society, to identify trends and to analyze the role of the processes of oligarchization in the functioning of democratic political systems, to uncover conceptual functions of the institution of presidency in western democratic political systems. The conceptual management of political system, preservation its of democratic definiteness, is a major task of presidential power. Using theoretical models D. Easton, E. Sedov, theory of needs A. Maslow and theory of social mobility of P. Sorokin has allowed to reveal static and dynamic parameters of political system, which optimization enables to support evolutionary character of political development.There are several alternative concepts of democracy. At the same time, one of them is legally codified and reigns. That is why political power is usually forced to act in an anti-democratic way on an alternative concept. Institutions of state power, thanks to sustainability, mobility and resource intensiveness, can support and even impose those norms and goals that are not entirely in the interests of society as integrity, or vice versa – the interests of individual, usually the most active individuals and social groups are not taken into account and even sacrificed in general. There is a significant imbalance of interests that threatens the existence of a democratic social system. Consequently, the task arises to develop objective indicators, which should be guided by the head of state, in order to assess the favorable or unfavorable tendencies in the political system.The purpose of the article and the task. Research methods: The following research methods were used to address the issues set in the article: general scientific methods – descriptive, hermeneutic-political, systemic, structural-functional, comparative, institutional-comparative; general logical methods – empirical, statistical, prognostic modeling and analysis; special methods of political science. The preference was given to the method of political-system analysis, by which the common and distinctive characteristics of the basic components of soft power strategies were identified, reflecting existing political, public, information and other challenges and global development. For empirical research, the factual basis was used, which was compiled by an expert survey of Ukrainian specialists-political scientists. Practical and systematic methods were used to analyze the system of relations from four perspectives: influence presidents power. Functional and general historiographical methods were also used. Methods of analysis and synthesis allowed exploring the features. In order to implement these methods, such methodological techniques as analogy, comparison, generalization and extrapolation were used. The method for analyzing the situation (studying documents, comparing, etc.) was used to study international and political processes in the USA, exploratory methods (in particular, content analysis) for the analysis of high-level documents and speeches, which in turn helped identify and outline the trends in foreign policy of the countries of the region. Conclusions. The experience of western (Western, liberal-democratic) political systems suggests that the function of supporting the democratic model of the political system is the responsibility of the president. In this case, the president plays the role of either the head of the executive (political manager of the higher rank), or the formal head of state, or these functions combine. In the context of the political crisis, the president takes steps to preserve the democratic system of society. The complex of these activities includes the function of supporting the democratic nature of the political system.

Manufacturing ‘Quiet Arabs’ in Israel: Ethnicity, Media Frames and Soft Power

2012 ◽  
Vol 48 (2) ◽  
pp. 245-264 ◽  
Author(s):  
Amal Jamal
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Social Groups ◽  
Media Framing ◽  
The Political ◽  
Dominant Ideology ◽  
Media Frames ◽  
Global Age ◽  
Professional Opinion ◽  
Target Community

This article has three aims. First, it aims to explain how media framing forms a central soft power tool utilized by states for the political control of social groups antagonistic to the states' dominant ideology. For that purpose it addresses Israeli state efforts to penetrate the native Arab community that remained within its borders after the 1948 war, seeking to create submissive ‘quiet Arab’ citizens. Second, it examines the role of Jewish-Arab (Mizrahi) professional opinion-makers in creating and maintaining this framing. Third, it demonstrates that efforts made by states to influence ‘captive audiences’ by media outlets in the global age can be successful only if they meet the needs of the target community.

scholarly journals Culture Security - Selected Issues

2017 ◽  
Vol 10 (4) ◽  
pp. 96-109
Author(s):  
Magdalena El Ghamari
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Global Market ◽  
Cultural Property ◽  
The Political ◽  
Security Issue ◽  
Security Culture ◽  
Do No Harm ◽  
Historic Structures ◽  
Strategic Role

Abstract Subject and purpose of work: The main goal is to offer more productive approach to security culture: viewing culture as a logical system which can be understood using theories and principles developed. Materials and methods: Cultural security issue collaborative research and discovery of literature to fully exploit social networks and open source material. Results: Cultural security issue analyzes the hard and soft power of antiquities, artworks, religious monuments, and historic structures as indicators of the political economy of cultural property. Conclusions. Analyses of the political significance of historic structures and religious monuments and the licit and illicit global market for antiquities and artworks provide insights into the strategic role of cultural property in diplomacy and international security. Integrating operational cultural principles into the specific conditions is the future and will bring depth to touchstones such as “no better friend, no worse enemy,” and “first, do no harm”.

scholarly journals Central Asia in Russian Foreign Policy: Losses and Opportunities

2020 ◽  
pp. 465-483
Author(s):  
Elena G. Ponomareva ◽  
◽  
Georgij A. Rudov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
Central Asia ◽  
Political Development ◽  
Soft Power ◽  
The Political ◽  
The Balkans ◽  
Central Asian ◽  
The Social ◽  
The World ◽  
Central Asia Region

The Central Asia region is a complex geopolitical tangle of contradictions and an ethno-religious knot, comparable in the degree of influence of national and religious feelings on the political development of the world system with the Balkans and the Caucasus. For Russia, this is a zone of special interests, including in connection with the residence of a large Russian-speaking population in the Central Asian states. However, while strengthening its position in the world, Russia is losing its status in the Central Asian region. In order to return or strengthen the role of a leader in these countries, new approaches, formats of interaction are needed, and, above all, in the social and humanitarian spheres. The article examines four groups of problems: the reasons for the world-political importance of the countries of the region, the determining importance of such development factors as the economy, resources of soft power and religion.

COOPERATION BETWEEN UZBEKISTAN AND AFGHANISTAN

2021 ◽  
Vol 4 (10) ◽  
pp. 46-52
Author(s):  
Umidjon Sh. Boymurodov ◽  
Keyword(s):  
The Political ◽  
Modern State ◽  
Diplomatic Relations ◽  
Political Situation ◽  
World Community ◽  
The World ◽  
The Republic ◽  
Political Economic ◽  
Economic Ties

The study analyzesthe establishment of diplomatic relations with the Republic of Uzbekistan after independence, the analysis of cooperation in the political, economic, social and cultural spheres, the role of Uzbekistan in the establishment of peace in Afghanistan. Conclusions are given on the actions of 'y. The escalation of the political situation in Afghanistan in the last decade of the twentieth century, the rise to power of the Taliban, the threat posed by countries in the region, Uzbekistan's proposals to the world community for peace in Afghanistan are widely covered. After the formation of a modern state in Afghanistan, Uzbekistan's political and economic ties have expanded. The presidents of the two countries have met several times and signed cooperation agreements, and Uzbekistan's efforts to develop industry, transport and agriculture in Afghanistan have been widely covered and analyzed

scholarly journals The Influence of Armenian Elite Groups on Relations with Russia after the Power Transition

2019 ◽  
pp. 50-57
Author(s):  
A. A. Tokarev ◽  
A. R. Margoev
Keyword(s):  
Soft Power ◽  
Political System ◽  
Great Powers ◽  
Decision Makers ◽  
The Political ◽  
Small States ◽  
Power Transition ◽  
Unique Case ◽  
External Actors ◽  
Depth Interviews

Small states in the Post-Soviet area have to make a geopolitical choice by leaning towards one of the great powers. The peaceful power transition that took place in Armenia in Spring-Fall 2018 was described by some Russian experts as “a color revolution” actively supported by external actors. However, it was exactly this unique case in which, despite such external influence, Armenian protesters did not demand a change in the geopolitical orientation of the country. Still, in spite of the preservation of the alliance between Russia and Armenia, part of Nikol Pashinyan’s team is evidently oriented to the West.Having conducted focus groups and in-depth interviews with Armenian experts, the authors try to answer the following questions: what is the structure of the Armenian establishment? What do its representatives think of the strategy of Armenia-Russia relations? What messages are they sending to the Russian audience?The authors are convinced that it was not a revolution, though called a “velvet revolution”, but a change of the elite groups. The political system remains as it was, institutions have not been demolished or upgraded. The partnership between Russia and Armenia is still characterized as strategic.Nevertheless, there is some misunderstanding between the current authorities in Russia and Armenia. It has to do not only with the generation and ideological gaps between Russian and Armenian officials but also with the lack of communication between Nikol Pashinyan’s team and Russian decision-makers. The problem is that the Armenian elites do not understand Russia as they do not have an experience of dealing with the country. Hence the importance of enhanced coordination among Russian organizations advancing Russia’s soft power in Armenia.

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