scholarly journals The transformation of the political system in Poland after the breakthrough in 1989

Osvitolohiya ◽  
2017 ◽  
pp. 103-109
Author(s):  
Anna Shafranska ◽  

The transformation of the political system in Poland after the breakthrough in 1989 was expected to change the Polish school. As an effect of the reforms carried out in the late 1980s, the existing hierarchical order, with strongly centralized power and the well-developed system of control and supervision was replaced by the democratic order. It was expected that the results of those transformations would be seen in all spheres of life, including education. Therefore, the changes were meant to affect the existing professional model of teachers, which could contribute to the implementation of many wide changes in their professional sphere. However, not all transformations turned out to be well-aimed and they brought about a lot of new, often worrying, phenomena. The situation of teachers in Poland is largely determined by political activities. Although the political system has changed, the introduced reforms are mostly of political nature. The findings of the research show that a number of facts are regarded as a prerequisite for successful reform in the developed models of change and modernization. However, due to complexity of reforming changes in education, they rarely succeed. Should education be allowed to be spontaneously changed? Should the process of educational change be given to politicians for them to be able to carry out their own experimental educational vision? Of course not. There should be an optimal model to implement change and innovation, being looked for. The only thing is certain: the success of any reform is in the hands of teachers. As long as politicians do not understand that, they will try to implement reforms designed in their offices. Such kind of changes fail, which is shown by the analysis of the ongoing reforms implemented in Poland. Assessing the effects of changes in education, no one looks at those who actually followed them, carrying out the unwanted, unprepared reforms.

2020 ◽  
Vol 2 (1) ◽  
pp. 20-25
Author(s):  
Khadija Murtaza ◽  
◽  
Dr. Mian Muhammad Azhar ◽  

Politics is all about power in a democratic form of government. In a democracy, agitation is the part of politics in the developmental stage of human rights. Agitational politics is a kind of politics which urge the public demands and utilize the public opinion for the sake of specific issue. Sometimes, it would make public violent who acts as attacking the police and damaging the official establishments. Protestors cover the specific area and refuse to move on until their demands are measured by authorities. It affects the working of government institutions and also creates political instability. The main reason behind this, agitational politics, have lack of stout and genuine leadership in Pakistan. Agitational politics is a strategy used by the opposition that indirectly creates a weak situation for democracy. In agitational politics, parties and groups make use of speeches and public opinion to gain public support. This article discusses the dharna politics of 2014 arranged by the rising political party Pakistan Tehrik-e-Insaf which directly disturb the political activities and also the reason of cancelation of the visit of foreign officials of different countries. This research paper will cover the impacts of agitational politics on the working of the institution. This work also explains that, how sit-in politics damage the state working institutions and also destabilize the democracy. Sometimes it strengthens the political system but most of the time it creates uncertainty in the political environment. It is the utmost scuffle that weakens the civil and national institutions and democracy faces a lot of dares.


Author(s):  
Drozd R.

After 1989, the change of the political system in Poland from a totalitarian to a democratic one allowed the Ukrainian national minority in Poland to develop its own national life. In addition to cultural and political activities, people became interested in their own history, and the process of reviving their own historical memory began. One of its elements was the problem of honoring the memory of people important to the Ukrainian nation who were buried in what is now Poland. Among the burials were the graves of UPR soldiers who found themselves in Poland and died as a result of the Polish-Bolshevik war of 1920. Under the Polish People’s Republic, their graves were both intentionally and unintentionally abandoned, and the then authorities did not agree to restore them. Such an opportunity arose only after 1989, but even here the Ukrainian community met with resistance from some representatives of central and local authorities. However, several cemeteries and buildings dedicated to UPR soldiers, Poland’s allies in the war with Bolshevik Russia, were tidied up and renovated.Key words: Poland, Ukraine, UPR, Ukrainian military cemeteries, commemoration. Після 1989 р. зміна політичної системи в Польщі з тоталітарної на демократичну дозволила українській національній меншині в Польщі розвивати власне національне життя. Крім культурної та політичної діяльності, люди зацікавилися власною історією, розпочався процес відродження власної історичної пам’яті. Одним з її елементів була проблема вшанування пам’яті людей, важливих для української нації, котрі були поховані на території нинішньої Польщі. Серед поховань були могили воїнів УНР, котрі опинилися у Польщі в результаті польсько-більшовицької війни 1920 року та померли у Польській Народній Республіці. Згодом їхні могили були як навмисно, так і ненавмисно занедбані, а тодішня влада не погодилася на їх відновлення. Така можливість виникла лише після 1989 року, але і тут українська громада зустріла опір з боку деяких представників центральної та місцевої влади. Тим не менше, кілька кладовищ та будівель, присвячених воїнам УНР, союзникам Польщі у війні з більшовицькою Росією, були впорядковані та оновлені.Ключові слова: Польща, Україна, УНР, українські військові кладовища, вшанування пам’яті.


2020 ◽  
Vol 5 (2) ◽  
pp. 169
Author(s):  
Khairiah Khairiah

Abstract: The purpose of this paper is to describe multicultural management in politics. The method used is descriptive qualitative approach. The component that becomes the benchmark is impact analysis, due to politics in the lives of multicultural communities in Indonesia, as a basis for providing opinions or conclusions about a process and system of political activities in cultural diversity in multicultural societies in order to maintain the integrity of the Unitary Republic of Indonesia (NKRI), Pancasila, The 1945 Constitution and Unity in Diversity. This article discusses multicultural management programs in politics. The results show that multicultural management as a management of outlook on life can realize political awareness. With multiculturalism, it can give birth to views and a healthy political system, so as to create a sense of security, comfort and peace in the life of the nation and state, so the author can suggest if you want the political conditions to take place safely, peacefully and harmoniously, then enhance multicultural management in society. Keywords: Multicultural; Management; Politics


2021 ◽  
Vol 22 (4) ◽  
pp. 88-95
Author(s):  
Viktor Mironenko ◽  

The article in the cycle dedicated to the 30th anniversary of Ukraine’s declaration of independence reviews some of the results and lessons learned over the years. This date could have been the occasion for a thorough and comprehensive analysis. This opportunity was not taken advantage of at the Jubilee Celebrations held, and the issues of modernization and development remained pending and urgently require resolution. Chief among them the author considers decisive release of social energy, restoration of historical continuity of state forms, search of optimal model of new Ukrainian state, its relations with society and external environment. Ukraine needed to overcome the inertia and social entropy of previous decades, clearly define objectives and select more carefully the means to achieve them. It faces the daunting political challenge of finding the best balance between freedom and order, national statehood and globalization. For this purpose, it will be necessary to reboot the political system of the Ukrainian republic. Ukraine has such an opportunity and this is interesting.


1959 ◽  
Vol 9 ◽  
pp. 51-79
Author(s):  
K. Edwards

During the last twenty or twenty-five years medieval historians have been much interested in the composition of the English episcopate. A number of studies of it have been published on periods ranging from the eleventh to the fifteenth and early sixteenth centuries. A further paper might well seem superfluous. My reason for offering one is that most previous writers have concentrated on analysing the professional circles from which the bishops were drawn, and suggesting the influences which their early careers as royal clerks, university masters and students, secular or regular clergy, may have had on their later work as bishops. They have shown comparatively little interest in their social background and provenance, except for those bishops who belonged to magnate families. Some years ago, when working on the political activities of Edward II's bishops, it seemed to me that social origins, family connexions and provenance might in a number of cases have had at least as much influence on a bishop's attitude to politics as his early career. I there fore collected information about the origins and provenance of these bishops. I now think that a rather more careful and complete study of this subject might throw further light not only on the political history of the reign, but on other problems connected with the character and work of the English episcopate. There is a general impression that in England in the later middle ages the bishops' ties with their dioceses were becoming less close, and that they were normally spending less time in diocesan work than their predecessors in the thirteenth century.


2015 ◽  
Vol 219 (S 01) ◽  
Author(s):  
J Grünwald ◽  
M Beer ◽  
S Mamay ◽  
F Rupp ◽  
J Stupin ◽  
...  

2017 ◽  
Vol 47 (188) ◽  
pp. 495-504 ◽  
Author(s):  
Felix Syrovatka

The presidential and parliamentary elections were a political earthquake for the French political system. While the two big parties experienced massive losses of political support, the rise of new political formations took place. Emmanuel Macron is not only the youngest president of the V. Republic so far, he is also the first president not to be supported by either one of the two biggest parties. This article argues that the election results are an expression of a deep crisis of representation in France that is rooted in the economic transformations of the 1970s. The article analyses the political situation after the elections and tries to give an outlook on further political developments in France.


2017 ◽  
Vol 35 (2) ◽  
pp. 218-257
Author(s):  
Mark Franko

This article examines the political and artistic activities of dancer and choreographer Serge Lifar at the Paris Opéra during and immediately after the occupation of Paris. Although Lifar was cleared of charges of collaborationism with the German authorities after the war, the question of collaborationism has arisen again in light of the rehabilitation of his aesthetic by the Paris Opéra and other dance companies. Using archival materials usually ignored by dance scholars, this article examines Lifar's political activities, his political convictions, and his political ambitions. His theory of ballet as set forth in La Danse: les grands courants de la danse académique (1938) and two of his successful ballets of this period – Joan de Zarissa (1942) and Suite en blanc (1943) – are discussed in light of his politics.


2017 ◽  
Vol 11 (1) ◽  
pp. 35-63
Author(s):  
Ruth Roded

Beginning in the early 1970s, Jewish and Muslim feminists, tackled “oral law”—Mishna and Talmud, in Judaism, and the parallel Hadith and Fiqh in Islam, and several analogous methodologies were devised. A parallel case study of maintenance and rebellion of wives —mezonoteha, moredet al ba?ala; nafaqa al-mar?a and nush?z—in classical Jewish and Islamic oral law demonstrates similarities in content and discourse. Differences between the two, however, were found in the application of oral law to daily life, as reflected in “responsa”—piskei halacha and fatwas. In modern times, as the state became more involved in regulating maintenance and disobedience, and Jewish law was backed for the first time in history by a state, state policy and implementation were influenced by the political system and socioeconomic circumstances of the country. Despite their similar origin in oral law, maintenance and rebellion have divergent relevance to modern Jews and Muslims.


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